Sémiramis, 1904

Péladan’s play, Sémiramis, performed in Nimes, 1904.

[box](Opening lines to Sémiramis, spoken by Naram-Sin)

“This dawn is the apogee of Assyria; a unique moment in history,

when the universe is silent, fearful and reserved,
before the blazing star of a city at its zenith.
Soon, an immense clamour of joy will resound,
springing from the Assyrian heart!
Sémiramis, the queen who surpasses all kings,
returns, dazzling with victory.
She has bowed to the yoke and forced to pay tribute,
the ancestress of nations, venerable Egypt!
But, while Nineveh’s jubilant palaces are decorated,
littering the streets with carpets and palms,
within the fever and triumphant climax,
alone with my cares, at the summit of this temple,
I meditate, a seer disconcerted by my vision!
In this book of the sky, where words are worlds,
I have read an obscure menace.
Sémiramis, always joyful in her conquests, and her sword in hand,
will see her star blemished, and will soon abandon her breastplate
an inexplicable vision, that defies my age
and has forced me to recourse to the Chaldean mages
Despite the secular hatred among races,
these proud thinkers need me to halt
the cruel flight of the Assyrian sword:
Ourkham will come, the subtle Babylonian, the fabled soothsayer.
The terrace of of Istar is the right place for secret words….” [/box]

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Symbolist Gallery

A selection of paintings by artists who worked alongside Péladan and exhibited at his Salons. This section will be added to as time allows. Float your mouse over the images to read the descriptions, or click to enlarge and browse through the images. If you’re on Facebook, then why not “Like” the Péladan page and receive updates whenever new material is added?!

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An Artistic Aside

After a much-needed break from the intensity that is my research, I am preparing to hunker down, since I have two chapters to churn out over the next couple of months, and a research trip to plan as I will be visiting the Péladan archives in Paris in the coming spring.

During my short break, I picked up my paintbrushes after a hiatus of almost three years. When I selected to study Péladan for my PhD, in my initial proposal I had planned to accompany the submission of my doctorate with an art exhibition of works based on Péladan’s curriculum for artists, since I am quite happy to admit that my interest in esotericism begins and ends with its influence on my own artwork.

After almost two and a half years of research and drafting, I’m now at a point where I am comfortable enough with Péladan’s ideas to begin that series, and the first two paintings, Shamash and Sin, based on his Comment on Devient Mage (1892), are now complete, with the rest of the series planned out. As I now put on my academic hat again, I will be writing up the chapters dealing with Péladan’s main symbolic motifs and then presenting his actual initiatory curriculum, but I won’t be letting the paintbrushes dry in the meantime!

The two new paintings have been posted on my personal/portfolio website http://sashachaitow.co.uk, complete with a detailed explanation of the symbolism used. Any new artwork will be posted on that website, while this one remains reserved for strictly academic material.

Musings on Academic Esotericism (moved)

This post does not relate directly to Péladan, although it is indirectly related to my study of him, as theoretical and methodological issues within the field of Western Esotericism naturally impact my approach to my topic. In it, I raise some thoughts and concerns about the current trajectory of the field, musing on the purpose of such scholarship in general, and certain preconceptions that sometimes hinder scholarly exchange more than they help. Although I could have selected a scholarly venue for this post, I have chosen to place it here instead for several reasons, not least of which is the immediacy offered by the open nature of the internet (as opposed to subscription journals), as well as the freedom of expression it allows.

Depending on who you ask, the academic study of Western Esotericism is considered either innovative and pioneering, peculiar and slightly suspect, pointless, or a normal extension of the study of culture. Much ink has been spilled in the ongoing effort to demarcate the field, to provide definitions of slippery concepts, to gentrify the more stigmatised elements of the topic so as to justify its inclusion in “proper” academic venues, and to construct theoretical frameworks allowing for its exploration from a variety of academic perspectives. The reams that have been written on the topic constitute an ongoing debate that has at times been controversial, and that continues to evolve. For those less familiar with the issues involved, it may be worth taking a look at Wouter Hanegraaff’s latest book, Esotericism and the Academy: Rejected Knowledge in Western Culture, as well as his recent article “Textbooks and Introductions to Western Esotericism” in Religion journal, a discussion and summary of which is available here.

In his article, with regard to the concern with appropriate academic professionalisation of this field, Hanegraaff discusses various ‘structural problems and weaknesses’ in the seven textbooks he reviews, noting that despite their respective value in furthering the field, it has now matured to a point where a qualitative ‘upgrade’ is required – and he uses the software analogy to call for a form of ‘Western Esotericism 3.0′ representing the maturity of the field. He asks the very valid question of “What can be said about the quality of [the various currently available] Introductions [to W.Esotericism], both from a scholarly and a didactic point of view?… How good a job are they doing in demonstrating the broader academic relevance of Western esotericism to such disciplines as intellectual history or the modern study of religion?’ (p. 3).

All of these are important issues, and as with any field, new research is bound to produce new perspectives that either augment or supersede older ones. However, there are several issues that have struck me with regard to the approach expressed in Hanegraaff’s article, and upheld by many scholars from specific circles, and which give me some cause for concern regarding specific perspectives inherent in some parts of “the core field” of Western Esotericism.

Firstly, let me say that though I may disagree with a few points in Hanegraaff’s reading of Arthur Versluis and Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke’s books as expressed in this article, overall it makes commendable and very useful points. My gripe is not with the call for quality standards or improvement of truly problematic approaches. Contrary to popular belief (I obviously need to spell this out), I am fully supportive of the separation of scholarly pursuits and subjective beliefs, and I believe that with appropriate training, the compartmentalisation of one’s personal beliefs from scholarly commentary is easy to attain.

However, my gripe is with a few notions that appear to be at the heart not only of Hanegraaff’s perspective, but of that expressed by several other scholars, and it is in fact less the notions that concern me, then their application and corollaries. In his review of a German-language layperson’s guide to esotericism by Ulrike Peters (2005), and his observation of certain oversimplifications and assumptions in the work, Hanegraaff acknowledges the non-academic nature of the book, and notes:

‘Peters’ “Introduction” is not intended for an academic readership and should certainly not be used in postgraduate or undergraduate teaching, but fairly represents a ‘baseline’ of assumptions about esotericism among laymen as well as academics. It is against this dominant perspective that the modern study of Western esotericism is still trying to emancipate itself’ – most notably, the notion that ‘the contemporary scene is seen as “normative” for what “esotericism” is all about.’ (p. 7). 

In a further review of David S. Katz’s The Occult Tradition (2005), Hanegraaff (rightly) notes a number of terminological inconsistencies and errors, some of which are indeed glaring. He ends this part of the review by saying: ‘Katz pays lip service to Faivre’s definition, but simply ignores its relation to his own approach as pointless academic nitpicking: “You say esoteric: I say occult” (2005: 16). The truth is that any questions of terminology or theoretical reflection seem to be supremely boring to Katz’s mind, and he clearly cannot be bothered to take them seriously’ (p. 8).

Hanegraaff is correct about these errors. My reason for picking out these two comments is not because I disagree with what he is saying. It  is because it is all too easy to level the accusation of “dilettantism”, laziness and sloppiness, in situations where it is not called for. Here Hanegraaff has taken the conventional academic approach and published a carefully argued article in a legitimate academic venue, drawing on established research to raise these issues. It would behoove all scholars to emulate this approach, rather than levelling criticism in whichever venue happens to present itself. With regard to the kind of objection Hanegraaff raises here, it is one thing to display a clear lack of due diligence in discussing basic definitions in a scholarly work intended as a textbook – and thus opening itself to peer criticism. It is another to simplify a difficult concept for a general audience (as Peters seems to have done and which Hanegraaff has acknowledged), and it is a third, to heap derision on peers who cast doubt on the significance of  theory and metatheory in certain contexts. I must stress that I am using Hanegraaff’s treatment of these textbooks as a springboard, and I am referring not to his approach, but to the way in which that approach is sometimes interpreted and then implemented by others. I shall expand on these ideas below, but before I do so, I must note a few more points of concern.

In his critique of Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke’s The Western Esoteric Traditions: A Historical Introduction (2008), Hanegraaff notes a number of omissions and ends by asking the question:

‘Students will… be subtly influenced by a narrative about the truth and universal validity of “esotericism” that is hard to reconcile with Goodrick-Clarke’s professed emphasis on history. Should the study of Western Esotericism keep investing in such monolithic and idealising concepts of “the” Western esoteric worldview, at the expense of historical differentiation and contextualisation? Should they keep endorsing normative valuations of “true” versus “false” esotericism, as if this is what scholarly research is all about? It will be clear that, at least according to this reviewer, such questions must be answered in the negative. It is high time for scholars to drop the apologetic agenda and acknowledge that esoteric worldviews are products of historical circumstance and human invention just like anything else in the field of religion and philosophy…. In order for Western Esotericism to become a normal part of the academic curriculum, we will have to move beyond the old models and their frequent religionist commitments, and start developing more historically grounded and theoretically sophisticated approaches’ (p. 16). 

 

I agree with what Hanegraaff says here too – for the most part . Esotericism is indeed a cultural current like all others, and what Hanegraaff is arguing for here, is for the avoidance of essentialist viewpoints that attempt to make esotericism somehow “special” or “separate” from said currents, thus conceptually (and artificially) isolating it both within academia and by extension, public opinion. He notes as much in an earlier point when discussing Katz’s book: ‘Does Katz really hold that religion implies no belief in the supernatural, or that the occult is separate from religion? ‘ (p. 7). Again, this is a valid point. So, since I acknowledge the validity of most of these points, where is the problem?

Let me explain, and I will begin with a contextualisation of my own perspective – because context is everything. Aside from scholarly, and indeed artistic pursuits, I have worked as a secondary school language teacher for almost ten years. Secondly, as a mature (!) student in the British academic system (since 2006), I have never been eligible for those few grants or scholarships available to humanities scholars, and the British system rarely offers stipendiary postgraduate posts. Therefore, unlike my peers (ie, postgraduate students) in some other countries, I have quite a lot of work experience in a variety of fields outside academia. Alongside my teaching, I have worked as a journalist for special interest publications aimed at a lay audience (writing on art, esotericism, and culture), and I have also organised and been responsible for the promotion of a variety of events in three different countries, ranging from concerts, to exhibitions, to conferences, which has given me a perhaps broader perspective and experience in terms of the popular understanding of notions such as esotericism, culture, and academia – in three, notably different cultures – than that of some of my colleagues who have been able to focus on their scholarship with no other distractions. And before I began my sojourn in academia, such as it is, I was an artist first. So in reading these lines, whatever your opinion of my thoughts, remember that I speak not only as a junior scholar with one foot (or perhaps a toe or two) in “the field” of Western Esotericism, but as a whole person who is bringing the entirety of this diverse experience to bear on this discussion.

This context is the reason why I take a different view on these matters. Based on my teaching experience, I have concerns about education, and based on my journalism and event organisation experience, I have a strong awareness of the issues involved in the relationship between academia and the general public, and academia and our subjects of study, which is to say, practitioners of esotericism. I have had to “translate academese” for quite hostile audiences more times than I care to remember (that includes the academic perspective, not just terminology), and this post represents an attempt to communicate precisely that issue back to academia. And yes, we do speak very, very, different languages, and unless the denizens of the ivory tower realise this, then there can be no common ground of understanding. Further on in this post I will explain why scholars and the public – practitioners or otherwise – do need to understand each other.

Furthermore, based on my experience of a country (Greece) with a disastrous educational system, a pre-modern cultural mentality, a corrupt and politicised higher educational system, and the repercussions of all of the above on Greek society, I have a particularly powerful interest in the way that life-long education in the Liberal Arts can offer an impetus for social change. NB: I speak of the Liberal Arts, not of religion and magic, and one day, perhaps a nuanced discussion of that differentiation (between religionism and educational philosophy) might be extremely useful to this arena. So before proceeding, I hope these two paragraphs clarify why it is as important to understand a scholar’s motivation and context, as it is to understand their words. The latter cannot be taken in isolation from the former, even, I might add, in formal venues.

Now, Hanegraaff’s article on textbooks is focused on the appropriacy of the books he reviews as academic textbooks in a scholarly setting, and as such, it is vital that inconsistencies and indeed errors, should be pointed out and eradicated where possible. However, I do take issue with questions of simplification, and so my first concern is related to the educational process. In the case of the oversimplification perceived in, for example, Goodrick-Clarke’s or Versluis’ books (temporarily leaving other issues aside), I ask: textbooks for whom? When we teach English grammar as a second language, we present beginning learners with a list of rules. When these learners reach a more advanced level, we have to throw out the rulebook, because English grammar is notorious for its irregularities, and it is an inside joke among English teachers, that students are often shocked to reach their first Proficiency class only to be told that the rules they spent years learning no longer apply. My editors, who are responsible for marketing their publications to a lay audience, often groan over what they consider too much attention to fine detail on my part, and many of my (general)  readers and lecture attendees are by turns fascinated or irritated by my emphasis on getting terminology and historical context right. My occasional practitioner attendees and readers are usually infuriated by my insistence on pointing out the historical context of the French occult revival to which most esoteric thought popular in Greece derives from. So depending on the setting, and depending on the audience, one must tune one’s delivery of a topic to that audience IF one wants them to understand what is being said. Given that my own professional priority is not advanced academic teaching, but the dissemination of what is being said in the ivory tower at a level that the layperson can understand, and more importantly, explaining WHY this matters, I am particularly attuned to these concerns.

In my university teaching experience (World History and World Religion at undergraduate level), we offer broad brushstrokes. The main approved textbook on World History at the University of Indianapolis Athens where I occasionally teach, covers key concepts and currents in a few pages, skimming over the detail, offering the impression that “Imperialism” for example, was a coherent whole that had an even rise and decline, with a few tidbits about the Industrial and Scientific Revolutions thrown in for good measure. When I taught this class, when discussing formative ideas during the nineteenth century, I threw in a couple of slides about Freemasonry and Theosophy alongside the book’s prescribed topics. The Renaissance, the Reformation and the notion of “State-Building in Europe” were all taught in one lecture, into which again, I threw in a couple of slides telling the students about Ficino and Renaissance Humanism, visual culture and the notion of symbolic perception in the context of the artistic efflorescence of the time. I said nothing about “Western Esotericism: The Field”, and I painted these ideas, as the others, with broad brushstrokes, because these undergrads didn’t need any further detail. The detail was saved for more advanced classes, or levels of study.

This is common practice in academia, where basic concepts are built on and expanded upon as students advance. I see no History professors critiquing this approach to World History, nor do I see historians of science complaining about the one-page synopsis of the Scientific revolution and the simplistic presentation of Lutheranism vs. Calvinism in a neat little table. Again, the detail is saved for 300- level Religion classes.

So, firstly, I would remind my colleagues who are involved in teaching and writing for advanced academia, that not all scholars are obliged to aspire to that same end. And those of us who by choice or circumstance are working in different venues, may have very good reasons – such as audience comprehension, student skill-level, and reader attention-span – for taking a more simplified approach, for the issues that need to be overcome in those venues, are not the same as those of someone writing a grant application or an MA seminar.

By extension and as a corollary, with reference to books such as that by Goodrick-Clarke (written for his introductory module in the EXESESO MA), I don’t see that any of the flaws Hanegraaff points out, preclude this book from being used at an introductory level. His objection to Goodrick-Clarke’s view of esotericism as ‘defined by “intrinsic philosophical and religious characteristics”‘ (p. 13) may be a legitimate point for theoretical scholarly discussion, but it is completely and utterly insignificant to a beginning student – or my hypothetical reader –  wanting to understand how/whether/if esotericism is differentiated from religion, and an entry-level student needs that differentiation, like the beginner in English needs grammar rules that will eventually outlive their usefulness and may be peeled away once the student has acquired the necessary skills for them to handle the preponderance of irregularities in the language. The same applies to Hanegraff’s later critique of the same book, in which he states: ‘Goodrick-Clarke shows no interest in describing how, or why, “esotericism” has emerged out of specific historical circumstances, or how it has developed, or been transformed through history; rather his goal is to demonstrate the enduring prescence of a worldview that is presumably not dependent on historical context.” (p. 13).

I disagree with this reading, and feel that it places undue emphasis on details that Goodrick-Clarke does in fact pay attention to, he simply does not overstate them. However, that is not my reason for noting this passage; rather, even if Hanegraaff is right and I am wrong, once again I ask: when you are introducing a new topic to students whose only contact with the topic may be the layperson’s view, or an insider view, or perhaps none at all, then is it strictly necessary to introduce the key currents, figures, and concepts, in different terms? How are you supposed to explain the “difference” between Western Esotericism and, say, Christian Pietism to someone who does not yet have either the vocabulary or the conceptual framework to deal with the subtleties involved? How am I supposed to communicate these academic objections to a thirsty audience composed mainly of practitioners thirty or more years my senior (my main audience in Athens), who are utterly certain that WE is indeed something special and different that must be experienced, not read and written about? What do you say to someone eager to learn more, who tells you that Dion Fortune, or better still, H.P. Lovecraft is the foremost authority on occultism?  Who, when you say that Blavatsky’s dictionary of occultism isn’t the best source to be using for definitions, launched into a tirade about academic blind spots ? And what do you say to the occult publisher when trying to convince them of the value of publishing an academic introductory text as opposed to another translation of Crowley or Fortune? (These are all real-life situations that I have had to deal with head on, by the way, as if miscommunications in the academic community weren’t enough to be getting on with). I wonder how many of my peers have experienced that uncomfortable moment of a hostile, public audience, telling them that all their “book-larnin” means absolutely nothing…. and what answers one might muster in such a situation. How does one argue the value of advanced academia in that context? How does one demonstrate why such an (academic and theoretical vs. experiential and practical) approach is needed? One might of course say, that “academic esotericism” is not aimed at the practitioner or general audience. To which I would then ask : how then, will you deal with the accusation of elitism that ensues?

In the academic context, is it necessary for students wanting a grasp of this myriad complex of topics we call Western Esotericism for convenience, to understand the fine methodological detail involved in these definitions at the first stroke? And if it is, is it because of the underlying fear of the continuing marginalization of the topic? I leave these questions open, but I remain unconvinced as to this argument. I will not deal here with the extent to which Goodrick-Clarke is right or wrong in viewing esotericism as being defined by intrinsic characteristics, but will focus on the question of essentialism and marginalisation. I do not think that Goodrick-Clarke’s approach, which he states clearly at the outset, is one that leads to marginalisation of this set of currents. Having been taught by Goodrick-Clarke I can actually guarantee that he didn’t see it this way, and did not teach it this way – he also supported the integration of WE within cultural studies. But with vastly heterogeneous student cohorts composed of mainly mature students from a vast range of backgrounds, how else could he have established a common ground for communication between academe and student, scholar and scholar-practitioner, who often arrived with very clearly crystallized ideas? In my cohort (of roughly 25 students), aged 28 at the time, I think I was the youngest, a good 15 years younger than the cohort average….

In informal discussion with colleagues who share Hanegraaff’s view on this, I am told that the quibble with Goodrick-Clarke’s perspective is that his view implies an essentialist definition of esotericism – one which the school of thought supporting Hanegraaff’s call for an “Esotericism 3.0” considers a contributing factor to its marginalisation. Assuming for the sake of argument that this is the case, it leads to some curious conundrums, for if, as stated earlier, the purpose of this theoretical line of thought is to “drop the apologetic agenda and acknowledge that esoteric worldviews are products of historical circumstance and human invention just like anything else in the field of religion and philosophy…. In order for Western Esotericism to become a normal part of the academic curriculum..”, and this is to be achieved by moving to new models, then the first question arises: Why have a field of Western Esotericism at all?

There are numerous examples of topics that come under the current rubric of Western Esotericism being studied at advanced scholarly levels, without the slightest concern for these theoretical and metatheoretical debates (examples follow).

In the  final chapter of his book, Esotericism and the Academy, Hanegraaff states that the purpose of the insistence on high scholarly standards and critical debate,to ensure the ‘demarcation of the field’  as opposed to the dissolution of those boundaries,  is to ‘normalize’ the study of Western esotericism so that it is eventually seen ‘as just another dimension of Western culture,’ citing the ‘longstanding academic neglect of these topics.’ 1

I fully concur with this intention, but have qualified objections towards the prescribed approach if this means setting disciplinary boundaries so high that interdisciplinarity cannot be a bilateral process and that exhaustive reiteration of esoteric historiography and metatheory must necessarily be a component of every discussion of esotericism. Hanegraaff states that:

The study of “Western Esotericism” should be firmly grounded, first and foremost, in a straightforward historiographical agenda: that of exploring the many blank spaces on our mental maps and filling them in with colour and detail, so that they become integral parts of the wider landscape that we already knew, or that we thought we knew. In this process, what used to be strange and alien will eventually become normalized as just another dimension of Western culture; and discredited voices concerned with “cosmotheism” and “gnosis” will be taken seriously as representing possible ways of looking at the nature of reality and the pursuit of knowledge. These perspectives may still not be acceptable within academic discourse, which has approaches and methodological principles all of its own, but need not on that account be dismissed as dangerous, stupid, or wrong.2

Although this dismissal of esoteric topics has occurred in the past as Hanegraaff has meticulously demonstrated, and continues to occur in certain milieux, this does not mean that it is the rule. There have been equally as many recent cases of scholarly studies (see below) in a variety of disciplines that do not “belong” to the field, yet which treat of their subject matter appropriately, show more than a passing understanding of its issues, and have effectively “filled with colour and detail” aspects of the corpus of scholarly literature on Western Esotericism without jeopardising the field’s credibility nor crossing the ‘red lines’ of objective research.

In the domain of Literature there are multiple precedents in the work of Stanton J. Lindon on alchemical influences in literature, Tatiana Kontou on Victorian Spiritualism, Alex Owen arguing for the place of occultism in British intellectual modernity, Pierre Hadot on myth in culture, Arthur McCalla on the work of Pierre-Simon Ballanche, and Marina Warner on multiple interrelationships of esoteric thought to wider culture, Mark Morrisson (a professor of Literature) on occultism and science, Marisa Verna on esoteric and magical symbolism in opera, Frédéric Monneyron on the myth of the androgyne, and recent successful doctoral theses on similar subjects in Literature, Art and Music History, such as Brendan Cole on the work of Jean Delville (Oxon, 2000), Robert Sholl on Olivier Messiaen, Péladan and Tournemire (KCL, 2003), and Jennifer Walters on the British Magical Revival (University of Stirling, 2007), to name but a few.3 Topics “belonging” to the domain of Western Esotericism of necessity cross-fertilize with other areas of intellectual inquiry, and Hanegraaff notes as much (emphasis his):

Western Esotericism” is an imaginative construct in the minds of intellectuals and the wider public, not a straightforward historical reality “out there”; but, as argued above, it does refer to religious tendencies and worldviews that have a real existence… [that] do not reside in a space of mental abstractions or theoretical absolutes, but are grounded in the dynamics of monotheistic religion and the appeal to faith and reason: in a few words, cosmotheism and gnosis emerge as alternatives because the divine is held to be separate from the world and inaccessible to human knowledge.4

In this case, I repeat, what is the purpose of having a whole “field of Western Esotericism” for something that by the admission of the foremost scholar in that field, is only an imaginative construct? One probable reply is that it is necessary as a vehicle until such time as the subject has become fully integrated into academia, at which time the supporting structure may be removed, and it will blend seamlessly with other areas of cultural inquiry. Another is that because it is perceived as such by the wider public and historical circumstance, we must continue to use the term for purposes of communication. But in that case, is Goodrick-Clarke’s approach not perfectly sufficient within such a context in which we are all aware of this implicit agreement to continue using the flawed term and definition?

The continued, but self-aware usage of the term under such circumstances is a logical perspective, but its current application (NB, I speak here of implementation, not of theory) is flawed for two reasons. The first reason is that “the field” remains extremely self-conscious, whereby current scholarly standards implemented in “the field” appear to demand a reiteration of these arguments every time one discusses esotericism. Not to do so leads to accusations of inadequate theoretical reflection; whether or not one is discussing theory at a given juncture. This self-consciousness within the field appears to be the greatest obstacle to its integration with any discipline, for — and I refer not to Hanegraaff but to many other scholars within the same school of thought — it appears to be a case of “methinks [they] doth protest too much.” When you want to demonstrate that there is nothing strange, weird, or essentialist about esotericism, you don’t keep restating that…. there is nothing strange, weird, or essentialist about esotericism. Rather,  you get on and demonstrate the nature of its embeddedness without overstating the point. Otherwise, you are actually emphasising its difference – and thus essentialising it by nature of that restatement: and that is precisely the kind of apologeticism Hanegraaff seems to be warning against. Whether in a teaching setting (the slides I slipped into those History 101 lectures), or a scholarly setting (see aforementioned precedents), it is not actually necessary to ring a bell and keep reiterating the history of neglect and marginalisation. Not, I hasten to note, of the ideas under the rubric of W.E. vis-a-vis wider culture, but of the field of study itself. Not every  argument involving Western esotericism needs to be tuned to a self-conscious or implicit reaffirmation of this point unless one is studying the phenomenon of marginalisation itself.

The second flaw I perceive is not a scholarly one, but one of attitude, and this comment is directed to those colleagues who feel that it is not possible to critique another scholar (or their perspective) without, firstly, becoming critical on a personal level and resorting to veiled ad hominem attacks, and secondly, allowing a certain form of arrogance to blind them to their own blind spots. I am categorically not referring to Prof. Hanegraaff with this comment, and want to make that very clear indeed; but it is sadly a widespread phenomenon in “the field,” especially among younger scholars and in informal debate, and one which I fear is not conducive to any kind of dialogue or scholarly progress. Criticism is an integral part of the scholarly process, and it is peer criticism that makes us all better scholars, when it is professionally delivered and received. And it is absolutely true that “if you can’t stand the heat, you should get out of the kitchen”. Scholarship has rules, and if we want to be a part of the academic community, then we need to be able to take the rough with the smooth, whether the “rough” is criticism or otherwise. However, professional criticism is one thing. What I perceive as occuring in some cases in this field is quite another, and it is so insidious that I cannot give examples except by quoting direct conversations; and this I shall not do as it would be quite unprofessional.

That said, I hope that this point will be heard where it needs to be heard, and this is one of the reasons I have selected this venue, rather than another, in which to express myself. I return to a very basic question: What is the purpose of scholarship? Why do we go into academia? There are many reasons, though one would like to think that the logical answer is, to learn, and as we learn, to share what we have learned. But we never stop learning, and the scholar who begins from the assumption that they are superior to others because they know something others do not, is a poor scholar indeed, and an unfit teacher besides. I once remember a senior scholar saying to me quite dismissively, that if people “can’t be bothered” to go and look for the literature on a topic, then they were “just lazy”. But I was arguing, at the time, that the general public cannot be expected to have the same familiarity with scholarly resources and literature, nor can they be expected to have the same skills or discernment as someone who has spent even a few years in academia. That is the audience I am aiming at with Phoenix Rising Academy, that is the audience I want to write for, and for some reason, some people may have acquired the impression that that makes me an inferior scholar. So let me say quite plainly that my long-time involvement in secondary (and more recently, undergraduate) education, as well as journalism, across several geographical boundaries, has made me more interested in education at lower levels, and that is not a reflection of my own critical ability, but a matter of personal interest or preference.

It is where I perceive a greater need (the advanced levels are well-covered), and it is also where public opinion is forged. For new, entry-level students to take courses in Western Esotericism, then when the current cohorts graduate, it is to that public you will need to turn. When doing so, it is necessary to make a case for the usefulness of studying esotericism at university beyond a personal interest in it, and beyond the argument of “knowledge for knowledge’s sake”, especially in the modern world where marketable degrees are the most sought-after. In that context, all those involved in teaching the academic study of Western Esotericism will need to find an answer to the question: “why study it? what is it for?” that is grounded, down to earth, and if it does not recourse to religionist answers, then it will have to recourse to philosophy of education – which leads right  back to the question of social improvement. Why do we study anything if not to improve and cultivate ourselves, and our small social spheres? What do you answer a parent asking why their child should study WE instead of Marketing? What do you say to a mature student who is looking for meaning in life? What do you say to the musicologist and the seasoned journalist looking for a basic grounding in these ideas? That is what I am doing with PRA and in my UG classroom, and with ten years of secondary teaching and six years writing and speaking for the general public, experience has taught me what that public can and cannot handle. That does not mean my own scholarship suffers in the process, it means I have selected a different professional path based on my experience thus far. But, if I may be so bold, the kind of attitude that considers the choice of such an approach inferior or somehow lacking, is  somewhat unhelpful when thinking about the purp0se of scholarship, and even more unhelpful in making a case to potential students for the study of W.E, with or without a dedicated field.

I come, as noted, from a background in the Humanities, with training in Literature, Art, and the history of Western Esotericism. I am not a scholar of the Social Sciences, and my entire contact with that area of inquiry was limited to a handful of classes on statistical analysis techniques taught in the context of my Communication Studies BA. I fully acknowledge the legitimacy of these fields, but I am unfamiliar with them and their theoretical contexts — and constructs. In the context of my own area of specialisation, I acknowledge its limitations, but am also in a position to exchange perspectives with scholars who are on the other side of the disciplinary fence. And as I am glad to learn new things I didn’t know before, and do my best to acknowledge as much, I believe it important for scholars in all disciplines to approach other fields with the same respect for those differences, rather than with an air of superiority. The idea of transdisciplinary exchange, I was taught, (the first step on the path to interdisciplinarity) should be to broaden each others’ horizons and to learn from each other. The first step on that path is not to generate ever-more theoretical paradigms, it is to communicate across the disciplinary fence. Hence, if I am studying expressions of Western Esotericism in the form of art and literature (which is what I am doing), I am naturally going to approach a theoretical proposal such as that put forth by Hanegraaff or anyone else, with the key question: “how can I use this?” or, “how is this relevant to what I am doing?”

By this point, it should be apparent that my objections to a given approach, or my consideration that it is utterly irrelevant to some contexts, is not based on  intellectual laziness. It is, however, based on the two key questions just asked. Can I use “Esotericism 3.0” to improve my analysis of Péladan’s work? Do I need it? And:  Can I use it to explain to a potential undergraduate level student why they should apply to study Western esotericism and not, say, Philosophy or Anthropology, or indeed Literature and Myth Studies with a concentration in occult literary fiction? The answer on both counts is that I cannot and I do not.

In my approach to Péladan my priority first and foremost is to let the man speak for himself, and in this I am following Northrop Frye’s work on Blake (not, I hasten to add, his theoretical framework). Frye’s Fearful Symmetry: A Study of William Blake (1947), was a ‘systematic analysis… us[ing] only those biographical situations which have a direct bearing on the development of Blake’s thought and poetry.. insist[ing]… on the essential unity of Blake’s whole conception.’

1

Frye pays special attention to Blake’s use of the imagination and its entanglement with the intellect in the creation of his vision through mythopoeic praxis, and from the very beginning he argues that any approach that does not understand both the man and his work is doomed to misrepresent him. In explaining why anthologies of Blake’s work appear to have meticulously avoided his Prophecies, for instance, he notes that there has been no real reason, apart from:

…one or two hazy impressions. One is that Blake wrote lyrics at the height of his creative power and that he later turned to prophecy as a sign that he had lost it…. Another is that Blake is to be regarded as an ultrasubjective primitive whose work involuntarily reflects his immediate mood. The Songs of Innocence are to be taken at their face value as the outpourings of a naïve and childlike spontaneity, and the Songs of Experience as the bitter disillusionment resulting from maturity… It is a logical inference from this that the Prophecies can reflect only an ecstatic self-absorption on which it is unnecessary for a critic to intrude.2

Frye goes on to note how ‘Blake was a neglected and isolated figure, obeying his own genius in defiance of an indifferent and occasionally hostile society,’ and in Blake’s own words, he demonstrates how the poet longed for acknowledgement:

 It is pathetic to read his letters and see how buoyant is his hope of being understood in his own time, and how wistful is the feeling that he must depend on posterity for appreciation. And it wasn’t only recognition he wanted: he had a very strong sense of his personal responsibility both to God and to society to keep on producing the kind of imaginative art he believed in.

3

This passage could easily be referring to Péladan, who began to write his autobiography in the third person over a decade before his death,4 and whose public pleas for acknowledgement and constant reiterations of his statement of purpose and sense of duty are scattered throughout his works, as will be revealed when I eventually finish my thesis. As Frye notes following several more examples of the mistreatment of Blake’s work at the hands of critics and anthologists:

no one will deny that Blake is entitled to the square deal he asked for, we propose to adopt more satisfactory hypotheses and see what comes out of them… First, all of Blake’s poetry, from the shortest lyric to the longest prophecy, must be taken as a unit and mutatis mutandis, judged by the same standards… Second, that as all other poets are judged in relation to their time, so should Blake be placed in his historical and cultural context…5

Frye goes on to demonstrate just how far Blake had been misrepresented in earlier studies through the selective or subjective interpretation of his work, presenting example after example of cases where the poet’s own statements had been thoroughly ignored, so that, to give just one example, “mysticism” was read into his work where Blake himself never used the word. Frye points out that ‘the mystical experience for him is poetic material, not poetic form.’6 Likewise for Péladan, the mystical experience and its cumulative social effect was the end, while art in all its forms, was the means, and he stated as much in every way he could. Frye notes that Blake considered ‘the meaning and the form of a poem [to be] the same thing,’ reflecting Dante’s notion of ‘the fourth level of interpretation: the final impact of the work of art itself.’7 For Péladan, the highest form of magic was the ensoulment of a work of art: ‘Artist… you know art descends from heaven. If you create a perfect work, a soul will come to inhabit it.’8 Finally, as Frye explains:

As ignorance of the methods and techniques of allegorical poetry is still almost universal, the explicitly allegorical writers have for the most part not received… criticism that is based directly on what they were trying to do. If Blake can be consistently interpreted in terms of his own theory of poetry, however, the interpretation of Blake is only the beginning of a complete revolution in one’s reading of all poetry. It is for instance quite impossible to understand Blake without understanding how he read the Bible, and to do this properly one must read the Bible oneself with Blake’s eyes.9

Although naturally literary criticism and exegesis have evolved and progressed since Frye’s time, the problem of reading ‘as the writer wanted to be read’, especially in the case of allegorical work with esoteric content persists. In the case of Péladan I am dealing with an author first and foremost, who believed in occult ideas and who synthesised his own occult cosmology.

Should this oblige me to worry about metatheoretical concerns regarding the shape of Esotericism 3.0? This is not to say that this is Hanegraaff’s intention, indeed, it seems that this is more a matter of the interpretation and implementation of his ideas elsewhere, and it is that interpretation and implementation that constitutes my source of concern. Do these discussions, and does the theoretical framework have a bearing on how I go about trying to understand the man’s work? Apart from pointing out Péladan’s sources and elucidating the philosophical content, and apart from demonstrating those elements of the historical context that are directly relevant, no, it shouldn’t. In this I believe I am entirely in agreement with Hanegraaff’s point about esoteric thought being just another part of culture. But in that case, why do I need to worry about metatheoretical developments, and who are they really for? Why do I need the legitimation from “the Field”? Are these developments helpful to scholars like me, merrily toiling away in an interdisciplinary Literature department, co-supervised by the Head of the Department of Psychoanalytic Studies? Hardly. Are they helpful to my readers and my audience comprised of the general public? No. Are they helpful to my undergraduate students? Not yet.

So to whom are they of use beyond the intrinsic value of theoretical discussion? To the conservation of a field studying “an imaginative construct” that needs to apply for funding, construct book and course proposals, argue for the addition of syllabi, create posts for newly minted Doctors, and prove, at the highest levels, that Western Esotericism is worthy of inclusion in university curricula? Agreed… but many of us have been doing that anyway, without any trouble… and without any particular need to refer to these theoretical debates, for in my field at least, you look for a theoretical underpinning when it is called for. When looking for meaning however, when demonstrating how symbolic motifs and esoteric philosophy is used in a work of literature or art, you don’t need one. When teaching cultural history, you simply slip in the necessary mention to esotericism in the same way you talk about any other cultural current. In terms of the study of Literature, the critical skills required are quite different, for you are engaged in an attempt to unveil meaning in what you are studying, and questions of metatheory are of no relevance unless that is your direct object of discussion.  And while new discoveries and knowledge that elucidates these cultural currents will always be welcomed by all scholars, there is a difference between the fair and objective presentation of a given philosophy or figure or current, and the construction of theory for theory’s sake, and the subsequent dismissal of all other methods – until version 4.0 comes along…

Others are welcome to disagree, and no doubt many will. In sum, however, it is good for us to keep in mind that the path proposed by Hanegraaff, and the way each scholar uses that path, are individual ways. It is not the only way, and while some scholars may prefer to construct metatheory within small academic circles, others feel a need to destigmatise esotericism in the eyes, not of the converted, but to the general audience, to younger learners, and to those whom we study even though some may disapprove of their credulity; practitioners. Culture is not constructed in the ivory tower,  but on the streets, in cafés, in backrooms of bookshops, in artists’ studios and in the imaginings of fiction writers. Those are the people who drive culture. And I firmly believe that education should serve society, and not the other way around. That, is where I am coming from, and if I am to be criticised for it, so be it. I only ask to be criticised for what I am really doing, and not for what I am assumed to be doing… remembering that different disciplinary training of necessity gives rise to different approaches of equal validity. And it behooves us all to remember that the idea and the individual, are two separate things.

****

1Anonymous reviewer, ‘Elucidation of Blake,’ Times Literary Supplement, 10 January 1948, p. 25.

2Northrop Frye, Fearful Symmetry: A Study of William Blake (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1947; repr. 1969; 1990), p. 4.

3Ibid., p. 4.

4See Section 1.1: Biographical Overview, p. X, n. X: J. Péladan, unpublished notes for an autobiography written in the third person, Péladan archives, Bibliothéque de l’Arsenal. The notes are undated but have been estimated to date from between 1900-1904 by Christophe Beaufils in Joséphin Péladan, p. 350, n. 46.

5Frye, Fearful Symmetry, p. 5.

6Frye, Fearful Symmetry, p. 7.

7Ibid., p. 8.

8 Josephin Peladan, L’art idéaliste et mystique, doctrine de l’Ordre et du salon annuel des Rose+Croix, (Paris : Chamuel 1894) p. 33.

9Frye, Fearful Symmetry, p. 10-11.

1Ibid., pp. 353, 360, 368-9, 377-8.

2Hanegraaff, Esotericism and the Academy, p. 378.

3Stanton J. Linden, Darke Hieroglyphicks: Alchemy in English Literature from Chaucer to the Restoration (Kentucky: Kentucky University Press, 1996); Tatiana Kontou and Sarah Willburn (eds.), The Ashgate Research Companion to Nineteenth Century Spiritualism and the Occult (Surrey; Burlington VT: Ashgate, 2012); Tatiana Kontou, Spiritualism and Women’s Writing: from the fin de siècle to the neo-Victorian (Palgrave, 2009); Alex Owen, The Place of Enchantment: British Occultism and the Culture of the Modern (Chicago; London: University of Chicago Press, 2004; 2007); Pierre Hadot, The Veil of Isis: An Essay on the History of the Idea of Nature, trans. by Michael Chase (Boston: Harvard University Press, 2006; first published as Le Voile d’Isis: Essai sur l’histoire de l’idée de Nature, Paris: Editions Gallimard, 2004); Arthur McCalla, A Romantic Historiosophy: The Philosophy of History of Pierre- Simon Ballanche, (Leiden: Brill, 1998); Marina Warner, Fantastic Metamorphoses, Other Worlds: Ways of Telling the Self (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002); Marina Warner, Phantasmagoria (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006); Mark S. Morrisson, Modern Alchemy: Occultism and the Emergence of Atomic Theory (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007); Marisa Verna, L’Opera teatrale di Joséphin Péladan: esoterismo e magia nel dramma simbolista (Milan: Vita e Pensiero, 2000); Frédéric Monneyron, L’androgyne décadent: Mythe, figure, fantasmes (Grenoble: ELLUG, 1996); Dorothea von Mucke, The Seduction of the Occult and the Rise of the Fantastic Tale (Stanford CA: Stanford University Press, 2003); Jennifer Walters, ‘Magical Revival: Occultism and the Culture of Regeneration in Britain, c. 1880-1829’ (unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Stirling, 2007); Brendan Cole, ‘Jean Delville’s Idealist Art and Writings: Art Between Nature and the Absolute’ (Ph.D. Dissertation, Christ Church College, Oxford, 2000; Surrey: Ashgate, in press); Robert Sholl, ‘Olivier Messiaen and the Culture of Modernity,’ (Ph.D. Dissertation, Kings College, London, 2003; in preparation for publication).

4Hanegraaff, Esotericism and the Academy, p. 377. Hanegraaff bases this argument on the demarcation of pagan thought by anti-apologist Jacob Thomasius. See pp. 101-107.

 

 

 

Sympathy for the Devil (incl. translated excerpts from Péladan)

Treasures of Satan (1894), by Jean Delville, one of the artists in Péladan’s circle.

It’s been another long period of hard work, and I’ve briefly come up for air before tackling the core chapters of my thesis that will present Péladan’s cosmology and the most significant symbolic motifs and techniques through which he deployed it. The more I get to grips with his works, the more fascinated I must admit to becoming with his singularity of purpose and vision: the construction of his cosmology is remarkably coherent, and though derivative of a variety of sources, it is becoming apparent that his originality lay in the synthesis of those sources into this coherent whole.

One element that never ceases to surprise me is the number of signposts that Péladan left his readers – and the extent to which these were blatantly ignored by his earlier biographers. In the critical biography by Christophe Beaufils, as well as in earlier biographies and critiques of his work, such details are repeatedly skimmed over and summarily dismissed as indications of his eccentricity and instability. Yet, upon taking a closer look, the coherence is immediately evident, and he makes the effort to point his readers to the connections between his fictional and theoretical works, taking great pains to explain his rationale in each case. His novels were never meant to be read as fiction by the discerning reader; designed as éthopées – a figure of speech stemming from the Greek ethologia or ethopoiia, literally meaning study or creation of ethos (understood as customs or mores). As a rhetorical device it is a kind of portrait or tableau (painted or written) with a moral teaching, based on Aristotle’s Poetics. 

Péladan used the byline éthopée to define all of the novels in his La Décadence Latine cycle, and these books are indeed a perfect example of the genre, since they use stylized figures and venues from real life in order to highlight what he perceived as the decadence of Western civilization, while also proposing his alternative vision for society. It is this factor more than any other, that distinguishes Péladan’s novels from being seen as a simple series of literary fiction. In the context of Symbolist theatre of Péladan’s period, it has been noted that the discourse of performance itself was theatricalised, whereby the symbolist actor was perceived as ‘a depersonalised sign’ before ‘an audience that dressed and behaved very much like fictional dramatic characters.’ This resulted in the performance being completed by the participation of both audience and actors, with ‘the theatricalisation of literary discourse… enacted in the space between the stage and the auditorium, between two groups of players…. Just as the symbolist actor in his role aspired to be a sign, many in the audience… aspired to be artistic signs as well.’1 Essentially, Péladan’s books, plays, and characters, were themselves both artistic and occult ‘signs’ for esoteric meaning, drawing on several centuries of universalist esoteric thought, and the perceived power of the written word to manifest change in the material world.

Péladan’s choice of symbolism rested on his occult beliefs and cosmology, and he went so far as to rewrite Genesis, partly following the counter-Enlightenment “tradition” of analogical analysis as found in the work of Athanasius Kircher, Antoine Court de Gébelin, Pierre-Simon Ballanche, Delisle de Sales, Fabre d’Olivet as noted, and Eliphas Lévi. A very central part of this cosmology was his rehabilitation of Lucifer, which is not as shocking as it may seem: from the late eighteenth century, and particularly in the early to mid- eighteenth century, Lucifer – and interestingly, a redeemed, heroic, Promethean Lucifer – became a central figure in French poetry, literature and art. This trend began with the English Romantic poets Blake, Shelley, and Byron, and quickly crossed the Channel.  The evolution of this motif in French literature  is beautifully detailed in Max Milner’s Le Diable dans la Littérature Francaise: De Cazotte a Baudelaire, 1772-1861 (1960; 2007), but Milner, like so many other authors, dismisses the occult treatment of Lucifer and focuses solely on the literary usages of the motif. The redemption of Lucifer in this context is read as a result of the French Revolution: 

While Christian mythology had banned Satan to Hell and blamed him for evil, Literary Satanism to a greater or lesser degree rehabilitated the fallen angel and proclaimed that he had stood in his right after all. Secondly… they resurrected him from the burial the Enlightenment had given him… In traditional Christian theology, Satan’s fall had been associated with proud, unlawful insurrection against divine authority. The philosophes and French Revolution however, had given ‘insurrection’ a wholly new, positive meaning for substantial parts of Europe’s intellectual elite; and this revaluation reflected on the myth of Satan as well…. Satan as noble champion of political and individual freedom remained the most important theme of Literary Satanism throughout the nineteenth century.2

 

Péladan’s view of Lucifer had less to do with Revolutionary fervour (he decried it), and far more to do with his theology, which betrays strong Neoplatonic influences. Following  Pseudo-Dionysius,  he believed that “Absolute evil does not exist; evil is an accident of goodness.” He also believed that the world was created by angels, led by Lucifer himself prior to the fall, and that the fall resulted from the desire of some angels (those of the Book of Enoch, aka. Enoch I), to imbue material humanity with spiritual properties. In this Péladan followed Fabre d’Olivet,

For Fabre d’Olivet, the man and woman of Genesis together form universal man and constitute a single androgynous individual.’ 3 The fall occurred when Adam sought to become equal to God, by taking full generative control of ‘the very principle of his existence.’ This would have set him up as a rival to God, but in not permitting him to do so, he would have been condemned to an eternity of suffering as a lesser being without full volition. Therefore, as an act of mercy, ‘Adam was taken out of eternity where he would have remained in eternal anguish and suffering, and placed in time’.4 By making Adam and his descendants mortal, with lives governed by time, the suffering caused by his limited ability to control the creative principle of his existence would be diffused through time and the generations, until it eventually disappeared entirely. This residual desire is the foundation of evil, which, according to Fabre d’Olivet, would eventually be resolved by the very passage through time, at which point time would end and ‘universal man will return to his former state of “indivisible and immortal unity.”’5 God is perceived in terms of a divine ‘tetrad’ that encompasses the three principles of Providence (represented in man by intelligence), Destiny (instinct), and Will (understanding), the last of which is the point of contact between man and God. While in “universal man”, the triad is complete and in harmony, following the Fall, the three principles were divided among Adam’s three sons, with Cain representing Will, Abel as Providence and Seth as Destiny.6 They became the progenitors of humanity, each giving birth to one of the human races, in a reflection of Mosaic genealogy, a popular theory of the time.
7

Péladan followed this theory in part, grafting on Platonic, Neoplatonic, and some Catholic elements, though his explanations of his views reveal a far more eclectic approach to Catholicism than his usual professions of faith would appear to allow for. The short excerpts that follow, in English translation for the first time, demonstrate his perspective on Lucifer and the Fall, and it is these, among many other references throughout his oeuvre, that I shall be unpacking over the next few weeks. There is also a lot to say about daemons… but that will have to wait for a future post.

As always, please respect the work that has gone into these translations, and do not use or reuse without due attribution. The title links to the original text, available from Gallica (French National Library online).

****

Comment on devient Artiste (Ariste), 1894, pp. xi-xiii.

To the Devil

By the lowest of names they have inflicted on you: Satan, Lucifer, – Demon, Devil, I salute you with my pity. How art thou fallen, Lucifer? Regardless of your crime, it is not one that man can judge. Regardless of your damnation, it is not something that man can conceive. Whatever you have become by your sin, you were the most perfect of created spirits: and that is enough for me, respecting your ancient brilliance, to approach you with compassion.

Having suffered more insult in my petty sphere than anyone else this century, I have sometimes dreamed of clearing the mountain of calumny that humanity has heaped on your name; and three lines from the Areopagite have sufficed to render your figure guilty, moving me to pity without frightening me.

In plain terms, we send to the devil what bores us; in sacred terms, alas! We attribute to the Demon all of human malice.

Oh! Why have you paid, through the centuries, the sad price of unworthy humanity? It has been said that you push the assassin’s hand: do you also push armies? It has been said that you pour all poisons: so you inspire Gréard8 and all the teachers of atheism.

Ah! Poor Lucifer, man has attributed to you, through his villainy, all his stupidity.

It is you who speaks through tables, it is you who commands all the crooks of spiritism. Father Ventura9 has said that no magnetist can work without you,10  and the abbé Le Canu11  has written your history, and that of the war that you have made against God (sic) and man.

So obscured are you in your principality of spirits, that you have managed to deceive yourself and lose yourself, but you have not deceived yourself about your Creator. The rage of the insult, in touching you, goes so far as to blaspheme against God.

When Christianity was founded on pagan ruins, there was such a habit of pantheist thought, and a conception of spiritomorphism [sic] of nature, that the first Fathers with great urgency, attributed to deviltry every superstition that was too hard to explain, and you inherited a discredited paganism; the lyricism and comedy of the middle ages drew you into a caricature. But the brutish villains conceived the idea of an evil God and you had scoundrels, crime, and ignorance for your faithful, you, ancient prince of spirits.

Now you are forgotten: science, little by little, is discovering illness where for four hundred years they had seen your claws.

And I, a lucid Platonist and fervent Catholic, I visit you in my thoughts, as it is said in the works of mercy, imprisoned spirit, punished spirit; and as I feel the daemonic blood palpitate within me, I try to clean your face of the mud that human wickedness has thrown there.

If you are nothing but a villain deprived of all intelligence, I do not fear you: what is a spirit that has become an idiot, is it wicked? If you are, as I believe, a great sinner, but lucid in your atonement, then receive the consolation of my thought and the refreshment of my charity.

Humanity is that son of Noah who turned away in derision from their father’s decline; I am Shem, I respect you in your misfortune, as I admire you in the splendour of your origins.

The Bené-Oelohim were the sons of your will and I would like to believe that I am descended from them, this one here, who is seen as the confused élan of the most humble, to the grandest, and to the most unlucky of the same race.

 

Comment on Devient Ar(t)iste

Arcanum of Lucifer, or of Birth (p. 41.)

 

Before the horned, clawed, terrible devil of the medieval imagination, the smile of St. John and the Vanity of Leonardo [da Vinci] suffice.

But I am doing more than rejecting the grotesque from religion as from aesthetics: because in this, each individual conceives of God and the devil, in their own image.

I deny demonology as it is taught in the seminaries…. and I deny it, based on my faith in a Greek, and Orthodox phrase: my authority, oh naïve curates, is His Majesty Saint Dionysius the Areopagite.12 “Absolute evil does not exist; evil is an accident of goodness.”

Demons are not essentially evil, they have lost angelic goodness, but they maintain their natural forces.

Were they evil to themselves, they would corrupt themselves. If they are evil for others, then who do they corrupt?

Substance, power, or operations: they corrupt that which is susceptible to corruption.

THEN, EVIL IS NOT THERE FOR EVERYTHING AND IN EVERYTHING, they weakened in upholding their principle, they forsook divine goodness in habit and operation: they were named evil, due to the debilitation of their natural function.

Evil is not among the demons in the form of evil, but as a defect and lack of perfection in their attributes.

Finally, [according to] St. Thomas Aquinas:

“The demon wants to obtain this similarity with God that comes from grace by virtue of its nature, and not with divine help.”

That the ignorant Sulpicians should struggle against St. Dionysus and St. Thomas! These Fathers of the Church authorise me to pity those who are cursed to bear the load of human sin, an easy and ridiculous way to flatter mankind; I have never seen in my sins, or in those of others, any other explanatory necessity beyond the malice of the individual.

Onto this serious and healthy notion of the demon [as] obscured angel, I have grafted the occult idea of involution and evolution; there are two series of beings  here below: beings who, born of the earth, attempt to rise, and others, born of the spirit, for whom earthly life is a fall and an expiation of some mysterious crime of the beyond.

True to the Bereschit [Genesis] and to the sepher [book] of Enoch, in the genius of a Plato, of a Dante, of a Wagner, I see a daimonic descent: psychologically I find them in the intimacy of a Litz, of a d’Aurevilly, to note personalities I have penetrated, [this is] the conflict of angelic nature enclosed within the human condition.

I believe, along with Pythagoras and Plato, that the genius is never a man, but a d[a]emon, that is to say, an intermediary being between the spiritual and the earthly hierarchy: and it would take a papal bull, ex cathedra, to change my opinion.

“The enchanters, the egregores of all times, of all lands, mages, saints, artists, poets, aristes, mystagogues, are all the obscured or shining offspring of angelic descent.” (Istar, p. 41, 1887). (NB. Here is one of the many signposts I spoke of earlier. Péladan connects his éthopées to his theory throughout his work).

****

 

1 Frantisek Deak,Kaloprosopia: The Art of Personality. The Theatricalization of Discourse in Avant-Garde Theatre,’ Performing Arts Journal , 13:2 (May, 1991), 6-21 (p. 8).
2 Ruben van Luijk, ‘Sex, Science, & Liberty: The Resurrection of Satan in 19th Century (Counter) Culture,’ in The Devil’s Party: Satanism in Modernity ed. by Per Faxneld & Jesper Aa. Petersen (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013), 41-52 (p. 44).

3 Busst, ‘ The Androgyne,’ p. 16.

4 Ibid., p. 16.

5 Ibid., p. 16.

6 Ibid., p. 17.

7 Trautmann, Aryans and British India, pp. 41-57, cited and discussed in Harvey, Beyond Enlightenment, pp.50-1.

8 Octave Gréard, 1828-1904, responsible for reforming the French (secular) educational system in the mid- to late- nineteenth century. See: P. Bourgain, Gréard, un moraliste educateur (Paris: Hachette, 1907).

9 Gioacchino Ventura di Raulica (1792-1861), a Jesuit priest and philosopher, who held that the existence of the devil was a necessary foundation for Church dogma. Cited and commentated in H.P. Blavatsky, Collected Writings, Volume IX, 1888, (Quest Books, 1966), p. 18.

10

11 Auguste Francois Le Canu (1803-1884), ordained in 1826, he held a variety of ecclesiastical positions and rose in the ranks of the clergy. An ecclesiastic historian, he wrote extensive church histories whose main purpose was to strengthen Catholic faith. His strong interest in occultism became apparent with the publication of his Dictionnaire des prophéties et des miracles (1852); les Sibylles et les livres sibyllins, étude historique et litteraire (1856); and the book to which Péladan is no doubt referring to here: Histoire de Satan (1861), in which he attempted to demonstrate incontrovertible proof for the existence of the devil. The book became highly controversial and was censored and destroyed in the same year as publication, but a few copies survived. See: François Laplanche : article « Auguste François Lecanu », in Jean-Marie Mayeur (ed.), Dictionnaire du monde religieux dans la France contemporaine, vol. 9 : Les sciences religieuses: le XIXe siècle : 1800-1914 (Paris: éd. Beauchesne, 1996) p. 400-401.

12  Here Péladan, like others before him, is conflating Dionysius the Areopagite, an early Christian convert, with Pseudo-Dionysius of the 5th or 6th century CE. See: Rorem, Paul. Pseudo-Dionysius: A commentary on the texts and an introduction to their influence (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993); Rorem, Paul and John C. Lamoreaux, ‘John of Scythopolis on Apollinarian Christology and the Pseudo-Areopagite’s True Identity’ Church History, 62,4 (1993), 469–482.

Orpheus Decapitated, Or; A Time-Travelling Myth

The article that follows is a translation of a piece originally written for my (almost) weekly column in the Greek cultural magazine PHENOMENA, a weekly insert in one of the Greek national daily newspapers, Eleftheros Typos, and published Saturday, Sept. 9th 2012. Expanded and accordingly footnoted, this will also form a subsection of my thesis, but in the current form it was expressly written for a general readership. The Greek version is here.

Gustave Moreau, Young Thracian Woman with head of Orpheus, 1875

Many of us will remember the tale of Orpheus and Eurydice from our childhood, embellished with images of the tragic musician, who could enchant the whole of creation with his music, and even moved Hades to tears, but was unable to save his beloved. Our teachers used to tell us the story as a moral lesson, stressing Orpheus’ error as he hesitated at the threshold of the Underworld and turned back to see if his beloved Eurydice was truly following him. They would interpret the tragic end of the story as the result of breaking a promise.

Plato reproached Orpheus, saying that since he was not prepared to die in order to be with his beloved, Hades tricked him by showing him only a shade, and not the true Eurydice. According to Aeschylus, at the end of his life, Orpheus denounced the worship of Dionysus and turned to worship Apollo, and as a result was torn to pieced by furious Maenads as a punishment for abandoning Dionysus. The pieces of Orpheus’ corpse ended up in the river Evros, where his lyre and his head, continuing to sing mournful hymns – travelled as far as Lesvos, where they were buried (according to one of the many versions of the myth). According to another version, they were placed beneath an oracle, where Orpheus gave prophecies to all who asked for them.

Aside, however, from the better- or lesser-known myths, the figure of Orpheus is surrounded by a host of other stories and legends, some of which would have him be the son of Apollo himself, or the son of Oiagros, king of Thrace. According to Apollodorus, Orpheus was the founder of the Dionysian Mysteries, and the Orphic Mysteries are considered a later evolution of the same. In both cases we find a strong initiatory element interwoven with mysteries of death and rebirth, heavily ritualised with artistic and ceremonial elements.

Time-travelling myths

Through the centuries, the myth of Orpheus kindled the imagination of many scholars, artists, and storytellers. Depending on the period and the source, we find various elements of the myth accordingly highlighted, depending on the priorities, the fashions, and the demands of a given era.

Odilon Redon, Orpheus

In its journey from the mythology of ancient Greece, through Ovid’s epics, the myth travelled through medieval poems and tales, was the theme of the first true opera (Eurydice by Jacopo Peri, 1600), and dozens of other operatic and musical interpretations, all the way through to the 19th century, the French occult revival, and the circle of Symbolist artists who were inspired by the work of Joséphin Péladan. Here we find Orpheus – or more specifically, his decapitated head on his lyre – as a central theme of many Symbolist paintings. And of course, since we are dealing with occultists as well as symbolists, these depictions certainly hide far more than a tribute to a tried and tested old favourite of a theme.

The first thing we notice in the Symbolist depictions of Orpheus, is that the vast majority focus on the decapitated head and the lyre – the dead Orpheus in other words, who continues to sing, even in death. In the painting by Gustave Moreau we see a young Thracian woman holding the head and the lyre, while the paintings by Redon, Séon and Delville all follow precisely the same motif: the head and lyre in the foreground, and the sea or beach where, according to legend, Orpheus’ remains were washed up, forming the background.

We might assume that, lacking further imagination, these artists simply depicted the end of the myth as a kind of study in symbolic still life. However, a closer look at the journey of the Orphic myth through the centuries, demonstrates that this isn’t the case at all.

Since the Renaissance, the figure of Orpheus had already been conflated with that of Dionysus, and Orpheus was frequently considered and depicted by various artists – particularly Michaelangelo – as an alter ego of Dionysus himself.

In his treatise The Birth of Tragedy (1886), deeply influenced by various Theosophical theories and other occult practices of his time, Nietzsche outlined the notion of Dionysian-Orphic ecstasy and possession that were the motive force of Symbolist art, and a supreme form of initiation into the invisible forced of man and universe. This idea of initiation was at the heart of occult thought of the time, and it refers to awakening, discovery, and the development of dormant human faculties which are available to all, but are in a state of dormancy. Just like in Orphic legend, only initiates may drink from the spring of Mnemosyne after death, so that they may evolve spiritually.

In the greatly influential work The Great Initiates (1889), Edouard Schuré discusses the notion of initiation in depth, and presents the initiatory journeys of various great figures in human history and legend. Among them, Ram, Moses, Jesus… and Orpheus. Regarding initiation, he says the following: “Modern man seeks happiness without knowledge, knowledge without wisdom… For someone to achieve mastery, the ancient sages tell us, man must fully reconstruct his physical, ethical and spiritual existence. Only then can an initiate, initiate [another]….Therefore, initiation was, then, something very different from a hollow dream, and something far greater than a simple scientific theory: it was, then, the creation of a soul out of itself, its evolution on a higher level, and its flowering on the divine plane.”

For Schuré, Orpheus was the one who, heralding Dionysus, transmitted this Dionysian, theurgic impulse, first throughout Greece, and

Jean Delville, Οrpheus, 1893

then Europe. Orpheus himself stands for creative genius, initiatory tradition, and his lyre symbolises human existence itself, whereby, according to Schuré, “every chord corresponds to a mood of the human soul and contains the laws of one science and one art,” thus ‘proving’ Orpheus to be “the great mystagogue, ancestor of poetry and music, which reveal eternal truths.”

This “religion” of initiatory and creative genius was the motive force of the Symbolists, for whom Orpheus was the archetypal Artist-priest, who, in Péladan’s vision, would collectively initiate society through their exposure to the mysteries hidden within symbolic artwork. Therefore, these works in which we see the repeated motif of Orpheus’ head and lyre, are no less than sacred icons, talismans encapsulating their whole raison-d’etre. And Orpheus is their patron saint…

One might rightly quesiton why the Symbolists preferred the decapitated form as opposed to a more Dionysian, triumphal figure such as that preferred in Renaissance depictions. The simple answer is ideologically based: the head and lyre are symbols, and as such, offer more compositional and interpretative freedom to the artist than a full human form complete with background and props, where focus on the symbol will necessarily be diluted. By isolating the complex symbol of the head-and-lyre, the artist is free to make it his own and to use all his skill so as to communicate the symbolic message, just as is the case with stylized icons in various religious traditions.

Alexandre Séon, The Lyre of Orpheus, 1898

The second, more complex answer, is rooted in human prehistory, since the human head and ritual decapitations date back to the time of the Neanderthals, as is evidenced by archaeological findings. We find decapitated heads as ritual objects in diverse prehistoric civilisations. It also appears in Greco-Roman myths, albeit in refined form, such as the relatively unknown story of Lityerses, bastard son of King Midas, who would decapitate his rivals until he was himself decapitated by Hercules. The Celts preserved the heads of enemies defeated in battle and hung them around their horses’ necks, a practice recorded in Celtic, Roman, and French art, as well as on coinage of the day, and the Vikings had a similar practice.

In legends from the medieval period onwards, there were stories of heads as oracles, the best-known of which was the Baphomet of Templar lore. Many studies have also noted references in chivalric tales of the quest for the Holy Grail, where in many cases, rather than a cup, a tray is described, upon which sits a decapitated head with magical properties. From medieval times onward, we also find numerous references to magical heads and ritual decapitations in alchemical allegories, as well as in a host of folk traditions from across Europe and beyond, from Asia to Latin America.

The ceremonial significance of the decapitated head differs a great deal from one civilisation to the next, and as stressed by archaeologist Lauren Talalay in a detailed study of ritual decapitation in prehistoric Greece, we should not assume that what applies to one culture, also applies to another. In most ancient Asian cultures, for example, as well as Assyrian culture, enemies were decapitated as a sign of manhood, heroism, and the honour of victory, while in other cultures decapitation was exclusively seen as an act of respect and ancestor-worship.

Copy of ancient Greek vase depicting an Orphic oracle with a severed head. From the dictionary by Ch.Daremberg και E.Saglio, 1877

In Greece and in regions of Anatolia, human skulls have been discovered – often decorated and painted – dating from the Neolithic period. These were carefully placed in specific parts of buildings, positioned in relation to specific sculptures or other artistic elements, or on altars. Despite the fact that the precise details of their use and significance remain a mystery, most archaeologists appear to concur with regard to their ceremonial and deeply symbolic significance, as well as the fact that they formed a symbolic link between the living and the dead. Above all, however, through the decapitation and attribution of a new symbolic form to the skull after death, automatically the skull and all that it stands for acquires a new form of life, and thus, a kind of immortality.

Which brings us back to the Orpheus of the Symbolists. Resurrected in the fin-de-siècle, with new magical qualities, as an archetype and epitome of human creativity and artistry, the representative and embodiment of Dionysus, simultaneously a tragic figure reborn as a supreme symbol through the wrath of the Maenads. A symbol need not be elaborate in order to be powerful – in this simple lyre and peaceful face are concentrated all these meanings, with the depth of centuries. All that is left, is to allow him to perform his initiation.

By way of an epilogue:
When a myth travels down the centuries and across civilisations, there are always additions and subtractions of details, conflations

Alexandre Séon, Lament of Orpheus

and syntheses with other myths and folkloric elements. It is very easy for oversimplificatioons to occur because we think that some elements seem similar to others, or to insist that one or other version of the myth is “the right one”. But if we look at a myth – or a symbolic figure such as Orpheus – without keeping in mind this journey through time, then we are almost certain to come to the wrong conclusion. The Orpheus of the French Symbolists and occultists is not the Thracian Orpheus of the 5th and 6th centuries B.C.E. He represents the transmuted myth that now carries the mythology, the hopes, wishful thinking and visions of two and a half centuries, and is represented in these specific ways at this specific time. Nor, as some purists might argue, is he a “false,” “stolen” Orpheus. He is who and what he is, and if we are to comprehend this fragment of culture on its own terms, then we need to perceive it within its full context. By overlaying our own interpretational filters, we are simply creating new material for interpretation by future sociologists and cultural theorists, and unfortunately, we would also be missing the point.

 

Sources:

  • Edouard Schuré, The Great Initiates
  • Lauren Talalay, Heady Business: Skulls, Heads, and Decapitation in Neolithic Anatolia and Greece, Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology, 17:2 (2004).
  • John F. Moffitt, Inspiration: Bacchus and the Cultural History of a Creation Myth, Leiden, Brill, 2005.
  • Dorothy Kosinski, Orpheus in Nineteenth Century Symbolism, University of Michigan Press, 1989.

 

Book Review: Satanism, Magic, and Mysticism in Fin-de-siecle France (upd)

The recent book Satanism, Magic and Mysticism in Fin-de-siècle France, by Robert Ziegler, professor of French Language and Literature at Montana Tech university, claims to “examin[e] the cultural determinants accounting for the flourishing of the supernatural [and] the emergence in France of the mystic, the Magus, and the malefactor” (back matter).

Not only does this sound like a promising offering to the field of French studies, but it also appears to be a valuable English-language exploration of the French occult revival in relation to broader cultural currents. I ordered the book with a mixture of excitement and trepidation; having ascertained from the preview that there might be considerable crossover with my own research into Péladan’s work, but also hoping for a perspective that might go beyond the narrow confines of esoteric petits-histoires. While my concerns regarding potential overlap with my own research were assuaged, unfortunately I was in for an unpleasant surprise.

The book uses the work of J.-K. Huysmans as a narrative guide, and begins with a brief introduction outlining the growing disillusionment with the materialism and decadence of contemporary society. The author states that  ‘following J.-K. Huysmans in his migration through the rarefied, sometimes infernal precincts of fin-de-siecle supernaturalism, this volume begins by touring the devil’s lair, then visits the austere chamber of the Magus, and finally climbs to the celestial plane of miracles and mysticism’ , claiming an impetus engendered by ‘an age in which both faith and art had been robbed of majesty by science.’ (p.12)

The first chapter, The Satanist, is a fair introduction to the French occult milieu of the time, with a reasonably accurate outline of the perspectives of Péladan, Papus, and de Guaita on the question of the existence of the devil, using their writings to illustrate that despite the best claims of “Dr. Bataille” (Charles Hacks), the devil of the 19th century is little more than an imaginary figure reanimated by ‘Decadent’ artists and writers. In spite of his close and insightful reading of the main French occultists’ perspectives on this question, and the highly informative exposition of the evolution of perspectives on devil worship of the time,  the author makes a key error in classifying Péladan, Papus, and de Guaita as Decadents given that their whole philosophy (despite their differences of opinion and ideology) was founded on the desire to institute order out of chaos, as is evidenced not only by their (voluminous) writings, but by the very content of their philosophy and their own statements, from Péladan’s motto “Ideal, Hierarchy, Tradition,” to Papus’ and de Guaita’s staunch support of Saint-Yves d’Alveydre’s synarchic philosophy. Several other statements confuse the matter further:

“Materialism, skepticism, immorality, unbelief… lead Guaita to idealize the naiveté of past centuries…An unusual feature of the fin-de-siecle, this overlapping of fantasy and esotericism shows the Decadents’ competing interest in occult sciences and folklore. The romanticizing of childhood, the privileging of imagination over knowledge, pervades the fin de siecle and explains the Decadent nostalgia for the past” (p. 29).

 Ziegler gives no sources for this unfounded oversimplification, and his explanation rests on examples of the use of medieval and childhood motifs in the books of a handful of authors and a citation from Marcel Schwob’s Book of Monelle (1894). Nowhere is there reference to the phenomenon of the medieval revival in fin-de-siecle French culture, the sociopolitical upheaval and the quest for cultural identity underpinning  the conflict between legitimist supporters of the ancien regime and republican modernists, history and this new age of reason.  Nowhere are there references to the vast legacy of Romanticism and its own complex evolution in relation to esotericism, nor, most surprisingly for a book on the French Occult Revival, is there any reference to the cultural current termed Illuminism, defined as

“a complex intellectual and spiritual movement…an integral part of modern Western esotericism in Europe… a faith that would combine reason and mystical élan, they bore witness to a cultural crisis and the attempt to solve it.” (Christine Bergé,  Dictionary of Gnosis and Western Esotericism, p. 600).

Illuminism is that cultural current out of which the French occult revival can broadly be said to have emerged as a result of the myriad political, social and cultural conflicts arising out of the Enlightenment and Counter-Enlightenment. A key source is the seminal work of Auguste Viatte : Les Sources occultes du romantisme: Illuminisme-Theosophie, first published in 1927, remaining in print to this day, and both Antoine Faivre, Arthur McCalla, and Jean-Pierre Laurant have produced detailed works on the subject. Quite how one can profess to explore the “cultural determinants” of the French Occult Revival without any of these authors being referenced, nor any familiarity with their work being displayed, is something of a mystery.

The first of several serious misuses of terminology also appears in the first chapter, where Luciferians and Satanists are presented as one and the same thing (pp. 33, 41, also 50). Although it becomes apparent from the context of the discussion  that Ziegler’s narrative is presenting Huysmans’ perspective, the error is that of the author, not Huysmans, since the terms are clearly being used as synonyms:

“Huysmans’ successful entrée into the forbidden world of nineteenth century Satanism had earned him the fame and money he deprecated…And despite the invisible enchantments exchanged between the warring factions, both regarded Luciferianism and the sacrilegious acts it authorized as less dangerous than science that discounted the devil’s existence altogether.” (pp. 33-4).

Chapter 2, The Hoaxer, deals with the Taxil scandal,  Huysmans’ support of it, and the Bataille hoax. Despite ending with a particularly insightful observation regarding the success of these hoaxes, this chapter too, is problematic. The only attempt at explaining the reasons for the success of the Taxil hoax and the “prejudices it played to” (p. 51) rests on a single article by Eugen Weber, ‘Religion and Superstition in Nineteenth Century France,’ (1988) and a further definition at the end. The initial argument comprises one paragraph concluding that the conflicts between Catholicism on the one hand, and Positivism and the utopian socialist character of occultism on the other, led “Catholics [to view] their left-wing counterparts as practitioners of black magic.”  This, alongside “fashionable themes of eschatological thought” (p. 51), and “special magic” performed “when [the hoax] ventures into the supernatural (p. 73) were apparently  sufficient reasons for the Taxil and Bataille hoaxes to take root.

Chapter 3, The Mage, is devoted by and large to Péladan, presented as an archetypal mage on the basis of his book Comment on Devient Mage. It begins with an explanation of some of the historical background that enabled the efflorescence of occultism at this time in history, but once again, is sorely oversimplified and in places, poorly expressed: “Recourse by artists to ancient occult teachings was also motivated by the liberalization of institutions and enactment of democratic laws.” (p. 74).

One might say that it was “enabled”, or “encouraged,” or perhaps “facilitated”, but it was most certainly not motivated by these factors – again, the lack of  reference to Illuminism, or to the Counter- Enlightenment dynamics leads to erroneous and incomplete conclusions. This whole chapter is woefully problematic as the author has misread Péladan’s intentions, grouped him alongside ideologically opposing individuals by virtue of their common occult interests, and misused esoteric terminology completely arbitrarily. On page 76, in an attempt to present Péladan’s political perspectives, we read:

“the Decadents viewed with scorn the agitations of the masses. Despising the collectivity – reviling the ochlocratic expression of its will- the Decadents recoiled from social action with a moue of contemptuous disgust…. endorsing a theocracy structured by divine principles, administered by a priesthood of illuminati like themselves…” (p. 76).

 As already noted, Péladan did not belong to the Decadent genre, and decried it quite forcefully in many of his writings. He used the term “l’art ochlocratique” to denigrate naturalist and realist art, and Papus and de Guaita were indeed supportive of synarchist ideals. But Péladan was not, and his aversion to such political ideals was one of the key reasons for his (very public) quarrel with his erstwhile companions. Nor did he eschew social action – all of his work, and especially the Salons de Rose+Croix were geared towards the masses, an intent that he spelled out again and again in many of his works – and which Ziegler in fact acknowledges towards the end of the same chapter. Péladan may have believed in social hierarchy, but he also believed that it was possible for both men and women to awaken to their inner spiritual potential, and his work with the Salons as well as the intentionality behind his novels attests to this.

In this same chapter we read: “This is the paradox of fin-de-siecle white magic: the need to reconcile the flamboyance and exhibitionism of the Magus – a self-dramatizing personage like Sar Péladan – with the impenetrable hermeticism of the doctrine he espoused” (p.77). Further on he uses the terms “occultism” and “hermeticism” interchangeably, confuses Kabbalistic study with occultism in general, and then he goes on to use alchemy as an analogy for Péladan’s work, stating that “Péladan’s language…reconcil[es] New Testament doctrine with the highest aims of alchemy” (p. 78). Yet, not only did Péladan decry magic, but Ziegler has in fact identified this very point early in Chapter 1 (p. 20) – thus apparently contradicting himself.

Furthermore, there is no direct hermetic nor alchemical influence in Péladan’s work whatsoever (not the slightest mention of alchemy in fact). His influences derive from a combination of the work of Fabre d’Olivet, his reading of Classical philosophy, his study of world mythology, Catholic mysticism, and study of the Zohar (alongside rabbis, and not in the form of Christian Cabala). Hence,  to say that for Péladan “Study of the Kabbalah focuses on identifying Creation’s building blocks” with nary a mention of what Kabbalah actually is (or which branch he is referring to), is once again, a serious failing in a book of this nature. Ziegler goes on to identify four “paradoxes” of the occultists, which rest on an unknown rationale, and are as inaccurate as they are arbitrary: “…[M]any paradoxes characterizing turn-of-the-century occultism: (1) the incompatibility of the Magus’ reclusiveness and secresy and the self-dramatizing ostentation of a “mystic impresario” like Péladan; (2) the occultists’ condemnation of materialism and rationalism and their interest in reintegrating the physical and metaphysical; (3) the self-exalting superiority of the Magus and his recognition of the value of service and instruction; (4) the wish to reconcile magic as an art objectified as works and the primary goal of the Magus to effect his rebirth on a higher plane” (p. 79).

No citations, references, or evidence of any kind are provided for these conclusions, and those elements that are recognizable as stemming from Péladan’s work, are clearly misread and/or misinterpreted. The very term “The Magus” is not given a satisfactory definition, nor are the conclusions attributed to “the occultists”, such as they may be. While later in the chapter some attempt is made to effect a closer reading of some of Péladan’s perspectives, they are presented out of context, interpreted through completely arbitrary definitions, and perpetuate mistaken interpretations.

The work of Denis de Rougemont (1906-1985) that Ziegler uses to attempt an interpretation of Péladan’s references to the troubadour tradition (p. 111) is completely inappropriate. Though de Rougemont’s work is significant, he was working later than Péladan and was therefore was aware of information that Péladan would not have been privy to. In addition, the focus is entirely different- Péladan’s own perspective stems from his own interests in Catharism alongside growing nationalist sentiments and longstanding traditionalism with roots in his family background and origins.

The author then concludes  that:

 “Péladan had initially adopted a brand of Rosicrucianism indebted to Eliphas Lévi…. However for numerous reasons including his friends’ distaste for the Sar’s flamboyance and the exchange of spells between Huysmans and Boullan, Péladan had turned away from the secrecy of esotericism and had sought instead to harness creative work to a campaign of Catholic reform” (p. 113)

This whole statement, citing the work of  Ingeborg Kohn, “The Mystic Impresario: Joséphin Péladan, Founder of Le Salon de la Rose+Croix” Secret Texts: The Literature of Secret Societies is disastrously, utterly wrong.Some elements of  Péladan’s metaphysical philosophy do indeed show some influence derived from Eliphas Levi, but his Rosicrucian lineage is entirely unrelated. Péladan was initiated into Rosicrucianism by his brother, belonging to a lineage that had nothing whatsoever to do with Eliphas Lévi, and his whole occult philosophy stemmed from his unorthodox upbringing, his close reading of Fabre d’Olivet, and aforementioned influences stemming from his father’s enduring interest in world mythology and Catholic mysticism.

Péladan did not “turn away from the secrecy of esotericism” (neither term is defined or qualified), but developed a complex philosophy and retained “private” disciples alongside his public teachings. His views on Catholic reform were underpinned by his attempts to reconcile occultism and Catholicism, while ensuring that artists, intellectuals, and “common folk” would all be able to partake of esoteric gnosis, each according to their ability.

His conflict with Papus and de Guaita (the War of the Roses) is well documented and occurred due to ideological divisions, as Péladan himself explained, and he “toned down” his flamboyance after a deeply painful realization near the end of his life. I have highlighted all these points in brief presentations on this topic and will be documenting them extensively in my thesis, but the source material on which they rest is readily available and easily accessible.

The rest of the chapter continues to draw un-referenced conclusions and to present impressions of Péladan’s work and intentionality peppered with further errors of the same sort. Chapters 4 and 5, respectively entitled The Mystic and The Miracle-Worker, move on to cover Eugene Vintras’ Gnostic order (dubbed a “bizarre heretical cult”, p. 116) and Huysmans’ new-found rapture with Catholic prophecy and miracles. In the conclusion of the book, the author surmises that the whole result of the occult revival was to do away with the secrecy that had hitherto obscured occult work, in a

“rejection of the inwardness of mystic thinking. [The new century] marked an end of the occult tendency toward exclusivity and secrecy; assignment of numerological values to the Arcana of the Tarot, enclosure of spagyrical science in impenetrable symbols. The etiolated recluse had been dragged out…into the violent sacred sun.” (p. 208).

Far from shedding light onto this period from an interdisciplinary perspective, and despite containing interesting elements, the book misinforms the reader on a number of counts, tossing around terms such as magic, hermeticism, occultism, mysticism, alchemy like so many synonyms, and omitting any reference to standard secondary sources on this subject. This in itself might be forgiven were we referring to obscure or antiquated works; but to write of French fin-de-siècle esotericism without so much as a nod towards Christopher McIntosh’s Eliphas Lévi and the French Occult Revival, James Webb’s The Occult Underground, or Jean-Pierre Laurent’s L’ésotérisme chrétien en France au XIX° siècle (or any other standard academic works on the topic) is a shocking example of a lack of due diligence, as is the lack of references overall.  Unfortunately, the result is a book that instead of illuminating its topic, obscures it further, perpetuating clear misconceptions with regard to the character and content of French 19th century occultism.

As such, this is one clear reason for which the continuing development of the field of Western Esotericism, despite ongoing discussions and debates regarding methodology and definitions, is absolutely vital. The fact that a book with this degree of factual error  should be published by an academic press within a series entitled Historical Studies in Witchcraft and Magic is a striking example of why further interdisciplinary collaboration is deeply necessary if such misconceptions – at the highest levels of academic authorship and publishing – are to be done away with.

***
Polemical and forceful though my tone may be in this critique, this is not meant as an attack on the author. Rather, it is meant to highlight, as strongly as possible, the necessity of a wider awareness of the scholarly literature springing from the field of Western Esotericism. I have no doubt whatsoever that Professor Ziegler is an accomplished and erudite scholar, and that the omissions that I have drawn attention to here are more a result of a lack of awareness of what is admittedly, a young field, than any remissness on his part. Nonetheless, the result is a perpetuation of misperceptions, forming a striking example of the effect of the consignment of Western Esoteric thought to the “dustbin of history”, a historical trend eloquently traced and explained by Prof. Wouter Hanegraaff in his recent book Esotericism and the Academy: Rejected Knowledge in Western Culture. This is the reason for my forceful tone: for as long as esotericism continues to be perceived as rejected knowledge, accounts such as Ziegler’s will continue to communicate half-histories, and for as long as that occurs, esotericism will remain rejected knowledge in a vicious circle of misperceptions. And this, at least to my mind, is perhaps the most important point of all.

 

Of egregores and cultural memory

Another 18000 words finally sculpted, pruned, and teased into shape ahead of my supervisory board meeting this week, and I’ve been delving deep into the mysteries of esoteric lineages and that thorny question of authenticity, in order to successfully unravel the relationship between mythic history and esoteric traditions. All this is no more than the background to my central argument that Péladan consciously created a legendarium to fulfill his purpose of redeeming his society through a mixture of art and occultism, and as (should) be the case with this kind of research, I had several epiphanies while writing this piece. 

It all started with the niggling conviction I had, that straightforward historical research, cataloguing and codifying Péladan’s output would have done a monumental disservice to his oeuvre. What I really want to find out, and hopefully share in the process, is what he was trying to do with it, and more importantly, how. To do that, I have to get inside his head, and tap into the intellectual, spiritual, and cultural context he was heir to, both consciously and subconsciously, and attempt to work out the machinations of his own mind when he tried to put his theory into practice. Fortunately, Péladan left not a breadcrumb trail, but a mile-wide highway of hints and clues. It is no speculation to say that he wanted his work to be studied, he even said as much: 

Péladan will one day be the object of detailed study… The novelist of la Décadence Latine, the playwright of Babylone and la Prométhéide, the philosopher of l’Amphithéâtre des sciences mortes, the art critic of la Décadence esthéthique, the savant of ideas and forms, and finally the zelator of the Rose-Croix, is an infinitely curious student, who built six careers simultaneously, of which one alone would have been sufficient for the activity of a writer…
[J. Péladan, unpublished notes for an autobiography written in the third person, Péladan archives, Bibliothéque de l’Arsenal. The notes are undated but have been estimated to date from between 1900-1904 by Christophe Beaufils in Joséphin Péladan, p. 350, n. 46.]

  The main question I’m currently working on has to do with the context, because much as Péladan’s actual work forms the bulk of my evidence, understanding where it came from is as, if not more important. Clearly the broad brushstrokes of his context derive from the post-Revolutionary social conflicts, the sociopolitical melting pot that was nineteenth century France, and which Péladan was closely involved with due to his father’s legitimist activism. The finer detail begins to emerge when one looks a little more closely at the influence of Eliphas Lévi and the occult milieu of the fin-de-siecle. But at this point, I still felt that I was standing at a window looking through a dusty pane at the tableau I was trying to interpret. 

The breakthrough came when two phenomenal  new books arrived on my desk: Joseph Mali’s Mythistory: The Making of  Modern Historiography, and Wouter Hanegraaff’s Esotericism and the Academy: Rejected Knowledge in Western Culture.  Both have been pivotal for my thinking and I am grateful to the authors for giving me the tools with which to first see, then describe and defend, the notion of an esoteric culture in its own right. This in itself is not a new notion, and has been successfully described and circumscribed many times; for example: 

[E]sotericism not only involves the construction of its own tradition; it can even be understood as a specific form of tradition and transmission… In the construction of their own traditions, both pre-modern and modern esoteric paradigms… claim to represent or restore an ancient, primordial wisdom tradition as a kind of “secret knowledge”… The questions of heritage and tradition, of origin and genealogy are crucial to the foundation of any esoteric knowledge. It defines, and moreover legitimates itself, through its origins, its ancestry, and its means of esoteric transmission. In so doing, esotericism seeks to invent its own tradition, to map its master narratives, to construct its myths of origin and its myths of transmission.
Andreas B. Kilcher, ‘Introduction,’ Constructing Tradition in Western Esotericism: Means and Myths of Transmission in Western Esotericism (Leiden: Brill, 2010), pp. ix-x.]

So what concerned me in this section was this process of constructing master narratives, of the esoteric propensity for self-referential, auto-evolving tradition-building, and most of all, to discover the rationale behind it. Naturally it all begins with the Renaissance notion of philosophia perennis, and Hanegraaff’s excellent dissection of this  alongside the related, but significantly differentiated prisca theologia and pia philosophia was invaluable to my argument, discussed together with Garry Trompf’s discussion of macrohistory, Assmann’s mnemohistory, and Mali’s mythistory. 

But something was missing, and as is often the case, I stumbled over it almost unintentionally. The missing piece of the puzzle was not “what” the builders of esoteric traditions were doing in their careful constructives of narratives and myths of origins, nor the meta-analysis of their social or structural function – this ground I had already covered. The question was the why of it, the esoteric why, what was so special about such mythistorical genealogies that went beyond the romantic allure and profound mystique of claims to Egyptian forefathers and antediluvian legacies, which, as I noted in my last post,  formed the core of much of Péladan’s cosmology.

The missing piece(s), were egregores, followed by a misinterpretation of a mistranslation.

Tempted though I am to do so, this is not the time for me to share my full line of reasoning. Suffice it to say that it all starts with a misinterpreted line from Eliphas Lévi’s The Great Secret, Or, Occultism Unveiled

“These colossal forces have sometimes taken a shape and appeared in the guise of giants: these are the egregors [sic] of the Book of Enoch… [The planets are] governed by those genii which were termed the celestial watchers, or egregors, by the ancients.”

Eliphas Lévi, Le Grand Arcane, (Paris: 1868), pp. 127-130, 133, 136.

This wording gave rise to a misinterpretation which nonetheless was to become common currency in several occult systems thereafter, as it was taken to mean ‘a collective entity’,1 or alternatively, ‘a subtle force made up in a way of the contributions of all its members past and present, and which is consequently all the more considerable and able to produce greater effects as the collectivity is older and is composed of a greater number of members.’2 Whether due to Lévi’s phrasing or careless interpretation, the word that had meant angelic Watchers, or guardians of mankind, took on this new meaning, of an entity formed by collective belief.

The reception of this idea in nineteenth century French occult circles was further specialised in an anonymous book attributed to Christian mystic Valentin Arnoldevitch Tomberg (1900-1973) (his emphasis): ‘one endeavours to collectively create an egregore for this special purpose: as a “group spirit” or the spirit of the fraternity concerned. This egregore once created, it is believed that one is able to rely on it and that one has an efficacious magical ally in it.’3 This notion was taken still further, and evolved into various other permutations by Helena Blavatsky’s successors, Annie Besant and C.W. Leadbeater, in their works on thought-forms, which although slightly different and more individualised than the notion of a group egregore, nonetheless reflect the notion of the manifestation of thought in matter.4 There are many further examples, but those will stay sub rosa for now.

This compelling idea was become the apple of discord sparking some of the most bitter – and bizarre – “magical battles” between different lineages of esoteric orders from the nineteenth century onward in a curious line of reasoning that also explains the ‘older is better’ notion at the heart of most esoteric groups. Such disputes have arisen frequently among different lines of Martinism, Rosicrucianism and the Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn, and at the time of writing different strands of the latter are engaged in an acrimonious, very public dispute over the question of authenticity and authority, in which debate the matter of egregores figures quite strongly.

By claiming (or constructing) a powerful myth of provenance, a given order or group is thought to be “tapping in to” the egregore of the “original lineage”, which in many cases is perceived as the prisca theologia itself, thus empowering a given order or practice even if it does not actually have “true” historical roots in such a tradition. In this respect, just like in the case of apostolic succession, direct lines of initiation are jealously guarded and flaunted even in modern orders as an indisputable mark of legitimacy. The claim to antiquity then, is not only a matter of mystique that in the nineteenth century especially might have been attributed to Romantic “Egyptomania” 1 or Parnassian philhellenism.2 From the perspective of an esoteric practitioner, the older and more illustrious the tradition, the more powerful the egregore, and thus the work of the order or practitioner accessing it. A further dimension of this is the role that this kind of thinking plays in the consolidation of both social and cultural memory, whereby:

[G]roups which do not “have” a memory tend to “make” themselves one by means of things meant as reminders… In order to be able to be reembodied in the sequence of generations, cultural memory, unlike communicative memory, exists also in disembodied form and requires institutions of preservation and reembodiment.3

Jan Assmann, ‘Communicative and Cultural Memory,’ in: Astrid Erll & Ansgar Nunning (eds), Cultural Memory Studies (Berlin; New York: de Gruyter, 2008), 109-118 (p. 111).

Aside from preserving and passing on esoteric traditions and occult ‘secrets’ to the next generations, esoteric orders also play a very important part in the preservation of esoteric cultural memory. By seeing esotericism as a culture, rather than simply as a set of linked but essentially obscure traditions, it is possible to ‘de-occultize’ the notion of the egregore without falling into reductionist perspectives. From there on, each individual esoteric current follows the same pattern, with its own ‘artifacts, objects, anniversaries, feasts, icons, symbols, [and] landscapes]’4 forming its own unique cultural footprint. And importantly for newcomers to this area of inquiry, this also justifies this practice to a great extent; for the cultural appropriation of such material is often seen and presented as somehow being  dishonest and deceptive – an accusation levelled many a time at Péladan by virtue of his eccentricity, but this is not, apparently, the case.

The notion of the egregore and initiatic lineages, reflecting apostolic succession and characterised by continuity is essentially a reiteration of the Renaissance philosophia perennis, and forms the backbone of the esoteric propensity for the construction of mythic histories. The flesh of these histories as they formed in the fin-de-siècle, along with its symbols and artifacts, was sculpted out of the broader intellectual and cultural context of Illuminism as will be discussed in more detail in the relevant section, and in the case of Péladan and his circle, the complex and all-encompassing “Philosophical History” of Antoine Fabre d’Olivet.

As noted with some exasperation by Fabre d’Olivet’s (only) biographer, Léon Cellier: 

[T]o exalt Fabre d’Olivet without taking account of the motifs that had caused his name to disappear, is, purely and simply, mythomania…. Fabre d’Olivet pretended to have rediscovered lost traditions by his own means…So credulous [were] our hierophants that … to justify his exegesis, they appealed sometimes to some initiation, sometimes to some traditional source.”

And as one contemporary critic of Fabre d’Olivet added:

Theoreticians, more than historians, they were not satisfied, neither one of them, to report the facts without anything more, but they tried to justify their systems, that does not make a work of science… I cannot recommend strongly enough to occultists, that they carefully compare the works of masters with the actual facts of science. 
J. Brieu, Mercure de France, n.d., Tome LXXXIII, cited in Cellier, Fabre d’Olivet, p. 394.

 Both Brieu and Cellier demonstrate precisely the differentiation between the esoteric and the conventional worldview, reflecting the same exact divide  Hanegraaff so thoroughly reveals in his analysis of pre- and post-Enlightenment thought and justifying the practice if it is viewed from within, and not outside, that dusty pane that so often divides scholars and laypersons from practitioners. The occultists that so baffled Cellier and other critics, were true to character for specific reasons – and their perception of ‘mainstream science’ was entirely secondary to the acts that they believed they were undertaking –  ‘acts of poesis’ according to anthropologist Victor Turner,1 or perhaps deliberate recourse to ancient egregores.

Oblivious to the criticism of the mainstream, from the rich smorgasbord of world mythology, compiled by Fabre d’Olivet into a sweeping history of humanity, Péladan and his circle picked, chose, and reinterpreted those elements that best suited their own purposes, building their own mythical histories through which to summon the egregores that would empower them. Péladan himself called on Chaldean deities in both his fiction, his theory, and his public life… and this is the next part of my thesis that I’ll be working on in coming months.

For more discussion of Péladan’s deployment of these ideas, watch this space. Over the summer I’ve two conference papers to write, and sub-sections on Péladan’s main inspirations to form into coherent prose, and I will share any interesting snippets when time allows.

Decorative Lines Large Image

.1Victor Turner, ‘Social Dramas and Stories about them,’ in On Narrative, ed. By W.J.T. Mitchell (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981), p. 164

1Cellier, Fabre d’Olivet, p. 384.

1James Stevens Curl, Egyptomania: The Egyptian Revival, A Recurring Theme in the History of Taste (Manchester; New York: Manchester University Press, 1994);

2Maurice Souriau, Histoire du Parnasse (n.p.: Spes, 1929); Yann Mortelette, Le Parnasse (PUPS, 2006); Yann Mortelette, Histoire du Parnasse (Fayard, 2005).

3Jan Assmann, ‘Communicative and Cultural Memory,’ in: Astrid Erll & Ansgar Nunning (eds), Cultural Memory Studies (Berlin; New York: de Gruyter, 2008), 109-118 (p. 111).

4Ibid., p. 111.

1René Guénon, Initiation and Spiritual Realization, (Hillsdale, NY: Sophia Perennis Press, 2001; 2004; 1st ed. Les Editions Traditionelles), pp. 36-7. In this passage Guénon is criticising this interpretation, and he points out that ‘this term is wholly untraditional and only represents one of the many fantasies of modern occult language.’ (p. 37).

2René Guénon, Perspectives on Initiation, ch. 24.

3 Meditations on the Tarot: A Journey into Christian Hermeticism, trans. By Robert Powell (New York: Jeremy P. Tarcher/Putnam, 1985), p. 419 (also see pp. 138-9). The book was published post-humously and it was the author’s wish for it to be published anonymously; however his identity was revealed through the circulation of unpublished manuscripts shortly after his death.

4 A. Besant & C.W. Leadbeater, Thought-forms, (Theosophical Publishing House, 1901). Cf. Cunningham, David Michael, Creating Magickal Entities: A Complete Guide to Entity Creation, (Perrysburg, OH: Egregore Publishing, 2003).  

 

 

The Second Angelic Fall retold

The story of the war, and subsequent fall from heaven and the disgrace of Lucifer has been retold many times, giving rise to some of the most compelling poetry and imagery in Christian history, with no better example than John Milton’s Paradise Lost (1667, 1674), which I freely admit was one of my initial inspirations for the deeper study of esotericism and metaphysics, while it has also been the source of inspiration for a number of my paintings.

No study of the Angelic Fall can omit an exploration of the Book of Enoch, and this quickly leads to all sorts of other interesting avenues of enquiry within the Apocrypha. Péladan was preoccupied by this story, particularly because of his reception of the work of Fabre d’Olivet and the implications it holds regarding the accuracy of Biblical translation. Fabre d’Olivet, and Péladan after him, undertook no less than the rewriting of Genesis, with all sorts of theologically shocking implications. This  motif was central to Péladan’s cosmology, as was the question of the Fall of Man and paths of redemption. Despite his powerful Catholic faith, there are many overtly Luciferian references and positions in Péladan’s work which form one of the more interesting aspects that I am attempting to tease out of his work.

One of his most overtly Luciferian novels is Istar, published in two volumes in 1888. It is a curious book that was very successful compared to many of his other novels, though none met the initial success of his debut novel, Le Vice Supreme. Self-referential, self-conscious, painfully tender, exceptionally sensitive, Istar draws together many of Péladan’s occult and social preoccupations. It is both a novel within an novel and a contemporary social commentary in which he intersperses more general observations about human and social relationships with the narrative itself, but without falling into an overly didactic mode which is characteristic of many of his articles and later works. Péladan was not yet as disillusioned as he was to become from the mid-1890s on; at this time in his life he was still aspiring towards the Platonic ideal of love and woman, and sought to transmit this to anyone who would listen. Istar also comprises a resounding refutation of Péladan’s many biographers who have accused him of misogyny: it contains some of the most tender and romantic love scenes he was to write, along with a sensitive consideration of the social lot of women in his time:

” From boarding school where spontaneity is reprimanded, to the salon where again, games of wordplay and double meanings are forbidden to her, the modern woman obeys negative commandments.

To wait, to refuse, to retreat and to be silent, there is the entire expected behaviour: and society, which is more selfish than anyone because it is constructed from general selfishness, overwrites the individualism of souls as if with a State decree.
Here is an instructive example to serve as the proof of universal stupidity; scientific progress has not made the walls oscillate. In our time, where the nervous system has begun to be understood a little more, public opinion sees nothing stupid in condemning two beings to the same bed for their whole lives, even when they have had no other physical contact beyond the touch of gloved hands. “

The novel centres around the story of Istar and Nergal, both of them Oelohites, children of Bené-Satan, himself the son of Satan, who were given the chance to atone for their father’s sins by living out a sequence of mortal lives alongside mankind, so as to instill divine genius among brutish “terrestrials”. The punishment is made more tragic because the Oelohites are fatally attracted to one another, yet incest is of course perceived as the greatest sin of all. Péladan uses this moral bind to illustrate the virtues of Platonic love, a religious kind of eroticism which can eschew physical contact while exalting spiritual love and devotion. He makes full use of all the opportunities the narrative and its motifs give him to explore the redemptive potential of this kind of love, the metaphysical properties of the androgyne, and the occult pathways hidden within the stories of the first and second angelic fall. Teasingly, he uses Kabbalistic references and almost playfully decodes their meanings, illustrated by the protagonists themselves, while also drawing in his broad knowledge of world mythology to enrich the referential layers of his narrative. Several chapters begin with an almost ritualistic sequence which is repeated, in reverse, at the end, giving these chapters a particularly occult atmosphere, and Péladan displays a number of different styles of expression and writing throughout, though these are well enough controlled to maintain clarity rather than cause confusion. The end result is an intriguing tragedy, which feels more like a collection of books, all held together by the overarching narrative and motifs.

Istar has never been translated into English, and this is a task which I hope to undertake once my thesis is complete. I have translated a few chapters to share with colleagues and for my own personal use, and below follows the first, introductory chapter of Book II of Istar, telling the initial, tragic story of the near-redemption and fall of the Oelohites. This translation has now been published in The Fenris Wolf #6 (Stockholm, Edda Press, 2013), following an article of mine on Péladan’s Luciferianism.

I am sharing it here for general interest, and I strongly request that readers respect the work that has gone into this, and that you do not share or otherwise reproduce this document for any use other than personal interest. If you do wish to do so, then please contact me or at least credit the translation properly.  If I find this translation reproduced without credit or permission, I will take appropriate action.

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This is the first chapter from tome II of the novel ISTAR by Joséphin Péladan, published in 1888. The copyright for this English translation belongs to Sasha Chaitow. This document may be downloaded for personal reference only, and may not be published, used, or reproduced in any form, without the copyright holder’s express written permission. NB. I have preserved formatting and punctuation as it is in the original. This is more of a draft than a polished end-product, but should suffice for non francophone readers to get a sense of the text. The original document can be found here: http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb310738377
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THE ŒLOHITES

I

The Legend of Incest

In the Ether, where the giant stars circle, there was a small world – insubordinate to the Sun – a small, vagrant world.

The Ancients of Days and the Watchers know the sin of the planets.
The Sun, is the heart of Satan who burns without reviving his wife, Sina, frozen in punishment; but the smallest world committed the greatest sin: incest.
Here it is.

I

It is the Deluge! The wrath of God swallows Atlantis; the waters have covered everything, only the heights1 remain unsubmerged.

Bené Satan stands there, his sons and his daughters around him. Already the green flood is about to soak the edges of their tunics, foaming silver on the golden armlets of the women. Lightning crashes and swirls around these haughty ones whose pride did not demand grace, like a fearful executioner, holding back and not daring to strike the sublime, guilty ones.

Yet, a terrifying cyclone is about to swallow the heights.

Maria!” Satan said.

II

Maria!” And the waterspout exploded in the distance.

Maria!” And the flood moved away from the rock.

Maria!” The thunder ceased baying.

Maria!” The Ocean, immobile under the clearing sky.

After this fourfold invocation, he said: “Lord, I repent for my father’s sin; he was wicked to dare deny your Word and to attempt for himself that which only you can do; I humble myself before you, Lord, to save my family”.

And the son of Satan bent his beautiful knees: “Oh, you, who are conceived without sin, who conceived God, my forehead, which I have never bowed, salutes you! Future mother of the Saviour, save Bené Satan and his sons, who bow down to you seven thousand years before your birth. Avé, Maria!”

Then Michael appeared in dazzling glory:

Your homage to the Virgin saves you, you supremely guilty one, and the Most-High wishes to commute your damnation to exile on a vagrant world.”

And all of the Bené Satan were borne up by clouds; with feet of fire and revived hearts they landed on the wild crest of the small, vagrant world.

III

The son of the great, fallen one, orbited the planet and soon brought it to order. Then he rested; a child awoke:

Father, there are earthlings there, along with us saved ones”.

How hasty they are!”

As he slept again, a girl came to him:

Father, I am moved, the earthlings are begging, they are servitors, slaves, and God has mixed them with us, he has had his will; this irritated him, this was wise, oh father!”

That they may thus be supported.” And Satan slept with this merciful thought; but he dreamt an atrocious vision, that his daughters coupled with the Kalibans, birthed bastards, and that his lustful sons would scour the earthly lands for sensuality; and his race of archangels would be cross-bred with brutes.

He gave such a cry of wrath and rage that returned appalling echoes from the sky. Awaking, his children ran to him.

Go back to sleep, a dream haunted me, a detestable dream; he said faintly. Children, I shall watch over you; sleep is bad for my eagle eyes, but you must sleep in peace!”

IV

Night fell. Satan the dreamer strode majestically across the fields and the shores. Suddenly, he saw his favourite daughter Izél, teasing some oaf.

He snatched up a sapling and with a single blow felled the audacious youth.
Bené Satan’s daughter wept: “He spoke to me of love, this was sweetness, in killing him you have struck your daughter.”

Satan was silent, and continued on his way.

In the shelter under a rock, his son Rouna was stealing kisses at the breast of a female Kaliban.

Faced with his father’s wrath, the rebellious lover cried:
“Do you not know the past, and how since you fell from the sky you are a son, as am I, of a simple mortal, greedy for kisses, spasms, and giddiness? When you conceived me, it was in the nude, on the perfumed bed of Ereck. Why do you reproach others for your sin?”

Bené Satan was silent, and continued on his way. That night, he watched his race sleep. The adolescents writhed on their beds of ferns, fondling phantoms, and the virgins kissed their own flesh. The scent of love grew, and the father wept.

V

On the mountain he waited for dawn, and with the first ray of light he incanted:

Michael!”
And the archangel appeared.

Oh, you who were my brother and whose intellect has not been obscured, counsel me. My admirable daughters are gasping with love and my sons resemble furious bulls.

They may not dare join their flames in incest, and love will mix the blood of the Kalibans with my blood! This is sacrilege!”
“It is God’s design! Bené Satan! Your father wanted to become the Messiah, his demon’s heart was no less than the heart of a prince; he had beauty, genius: but charity was lacking and everything was confounded. God left him his glory when punishing his crime: the soul of the false Jesus is the fuel of the sun, resplendent over the world, in his realisation of his Word and the Laws.

For you, Bené Satan, and for your race, I know only one solution: That your sons and your daughters must live out their human lives without love, without kisses, your hybrid race must not reproduce, and so you will be received into the second atmosphere, still punished, but less humiliated.”

“You are joking Michael, the daimonic life is that of love.”
“All right then! Lower your pride, allow the Kalibans to approach your daughters and let the women of the earth conceive with your sons. Know that the good God, whose enviable role crushed the shoulders of the great, fallen one, wills that through the force of love, the brute will be elevated and that with understanding focused on the idiot, genius will penetrate their ignorance. Show solidarity forever, do the works of Christ, be faithful to the one who anticipates divine mercy. Come on! Bené Satan, your pride hears this beneficial advice dictated by the bonds of our common essence.

“Angel,” the rebel said, “I am outraged by both these tortures, whether to sterilise my race or to prostitute it to mortals, and to mix the star that once fell from the red firmament, with vile and filthy dust, and you can tell God that Satan does not want to do either.”
“Take care, angry spirit, there are no more words that can save you anew, only the name of the Madonna was able to change your destiny, and that only once.
Are the Arcana not known to you? Science alone suffices to confirm to you that no humanity can live in incest, and that God has willed it that the one will redeem the other, and that the great will extend their bounty to the small.”
Bené Satan crossed his arms across his chest:

“Then this is our last meeting, Michael, speak my damnation.”
“You will be reunited, mind and soul, with your damned father on the Sun, and your offspring will be thrown to earth, they will even forget the name and will of Satan. As they have chosen the path of incest, they will know no love except between themselves, and they will seek out their own blood.”

“How marvellous, so the word of God follows the Word of Satan.”
Michael exorcised the blasphemy by the sign of the cross:
“Poor, pitiful, arrogant Satan, you speak like a man; have you lost all celestial knowledge? As soon as this world, lost through your sin, rejects your offspring thrown on the earthly shores, they will find misfortune without respite. Scattered among a hostile human race, in a hundred years no brother will be able to find his sister: and your daughters will be trampled by the brutes, and your sons will forget themselves in red and heavy embraces; mixing your blood with earthly blood, it will be salvation… What should I say to God?”
“You can tell God that Satan does not want this.”
Bené Satan descended to the foot of the mountain, all his children were anxious, waiting, knowing very well that he brought an inescapable verdict, the terrible word he had demanded from the skies. He took the hands of the virgins.

“Oh my sons! Here are your wives.”
And he put them in the hands of their brothers.
“Oh my daughters” Here are your husbands.”
And, sacrilegiously, he blessed the sin that would conserve his race.

VI

Never had flesh burned so hot since the night of Ereck, when the two hundred celestials fell into mortal ecstasy that incestuous midnight.
The rustling of bodies sounded like wheat bending in the wind, and the groans of love emerging from their chests drowned out the clamour of the sea.
Sinister lights illuminated the seas, dancing on the edges of the rocks; then the flames appeared and the ground split open under the guilty palpitations.
So Satan, for one last time, blessed the mad incest. Tirelessly, furiously, conserving his race; this world cracked, scattering islands, demons, and humans, into the air.

In the ether, where the giant stars circle, there is a small world – insubordinate to the sun – a small, vagrant world.

The Ancients of days and the Watchers know the sin of the planets.
The Sun is the heart of Satan that burns without reviving his wife, Sina, frozen in punishment, but the smallest world committed the greatest sin: incest!
Here it is!

And since that time, with unearthly equality, love has mixed the poet with the chisel and the queen with the valet. The Oelohites, glorious sons of Satan, did not know how to close their hearts; hungry for love, thirsty for tenderness they flocked to the vulgar ones, and from puberty to the pale moment when death came to deliver them, the greatest hearts were taken into the coarsest hands, like fine birds in the hands of peasants.

Thus God wished the word of the elder insubordinate and arrogant one to follow the whole race: and Socrates, and Dürer and The Great Dante himself, damned to never receive sacrament, fornicated below them.

Bené Satan said to God: “I do not want this,” and his sons obeyed the will of a fool, his daughters the desires of a cad.

Lamentable sin, a more lamentable condemnation that imprisoned the great ones in the blackest of vessels, cloaked with indignity.

But there were Orphic deniers of base pleasures, who, fleeing from the Maenads, knew how to live for a name and die for a dream: Eurydice.

There are patient hearts that persist and search, conscious of their fate, the only joyful being.

Hail to those haughty ones who, disdainful, look differently upon the dancing below them.
Hail to the obstinate ones who do not drink to intoxication except from cups stamped with the insignia of their rank.

Hail to the watchers, who know the arcana and respect the paths of ideals; these are the Oelohites, the daimons of light, who, for God’s work, militant and faithful, prefer to be sterile rather than fertilized by evil.

Kneel on the earth before the decrees of the Most-High, and Glory to the aspirants of sublime incest!

1Definition of Bamoth: heights, the forty-seventh station of the Israelites (Num.21:19,20) in the territory of the Moabites. “bamoth.” Easton’s 1897 Bible Dictionary. 28 May. 2012. <Dictionary.com: http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/bamoth>. 

Progress update: of history and mythistory

Saturn, Time and Historia (Paolo Veronese, 1561)

It’s been a while since I updated this website so this post is highly overdue. One of the main reasons is that over the last few months I changed the direction of my thesis to reflect the content, rather than the history, of Péladan’s work more closely, and so have been working to that end.

Initially this thesis started out as an attempt to re-examine the life and work of Joséphin Péladan from the perspective of the History of Western Esotericism, and to place it firmly within that context. However, I elected to change focus for a number of reasons, not least because a rigidly historical approach did not allow for the exploration of the esoteric, philosophical, and literary themes within Péladan’s work. Secondly, with the previous approach, the bulk of the thesis would have involved writing ‘around’ Péladan so as to situate him within the set of historical currents informing his work, leaving only one chapter in which to cover his actual writings, and so, after a year and a half of research, it has become clear that there are motifs and characteristics embedded in his work which deserve further emphasis, as they reveal the actual significance and character of the work itself. The most significant of these appears to be the notion of mythic history and mythopoeia as the core motive force of both his life and his work.

MYTHISTORY by Joseph Mali, one of the most interesting theoretical works I've been using in my research

Therefore, as opposed to a chronology of esoteric thought focused around Péladan, which might have been of interest as a microhistory but would tell us little about the man and his work, the revised thesis focuses on mythic history in its capacity as a significant construct within esoteric thought, using Péladan’s life , work, and impact during the height of the Belle Epoque as a singular case study of the function of mythic history within his teachings.

The central purpose of the thesis is therefore, to explore Péladan’s mythopoeia and underlying motifs, to demonstrate its capacity as a near-legendarium in its own right, and to place it within the broader intellectual and esoteric milieu of his time.

I have now completed a comprehensive introductory section functioning as an interdisciplinary theoretical framework for the thesis,  in which I argue for the necessity of such an approach, while considering a number of factors relating to the philosophy of history and the role of mythic history, especially in relation to Western Esotericism and the Illuminist current in general, Péladan’s work in particular.

From now on I will be making an effort to update more regularly since I set up this website as a PhD diary to help me keep track of various interesting insights, as well as to connect with other admirers of Péladan – and I am glad to say that the latter goal is already beginning to bear fruit.

About this website

The purpose of this website is to provide bibliographical data, a repository of all public domain works by (or related to) Joséphin Péladan, as well as a gallery of Symbolist artwork from the artists who exhibited in the Salons de Rose+Croix that Péladan organised between 1892-1897.  These elements will gradually populate the subpages under Péladania, and this blog will host short articles and other Péladan related information. Please be patient and check back periodically (or subscribe to our feed) for updates: this website is a labour of love reflecting a PhD thesis which is under way, but affords little free time for extra-curricular activities!! The blog will be updated to reflect new additions to the galleries and repositories.